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44<br />

Lasse Michael Boehm<br />

backing <strong>of</strong> the „Five”: Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg.<br />

The Paris embassy on the other hand insisted on the possibility <strong>of</strong> another French<br />

veto unless a rapprochement with <strong>de</strong> Gaulle could be achieved. There was,<br />

embassy <strong>of</strong>ficers believed, a chance to come to an agreement with France. As they<br />

repeatedly pointed out, both countries, for example, resented the supranational<br />

ten<strong>de</strong>ncies <strong>of</strong> the European Commission. 2<br />

Because <strong>of</strong> its focus on the Five, the Foreign Office was unwilling to establish<br />

closer relations with the French. Assistant un<strong>de</strong>r-secretary <strong>of</strong> State Patrick Hancock<br />

was <strong>de</strong>eply sceptical <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong> Gaulle’s intentions:<br />

“It seems to be inconceivable that [<strong>de</strong> Gaulle] would be interested in British membership<br />

except on terms which would involve our abandonment <strong>of</strong> a close political<br />

and <strong>de</strong>fence relationship with the United States”. 3<br />

In March 1966, the Foreign Office saw its view reinforced by the French<br />

withdrawal from NATO’s military command structure, and placed new hopes on<br />

the Five:<br />

“The effective withdrawal <strong>of</strong> France from the integrated military work <strong>of</strong> the alliance<br />

creates a gap which the Five, and certain sections <strong>of</strong> public opinion in France, will<br />

hope to see filled by a stronger British influence in Europe”. 4<br />

Britain, a memorandum argued, should keep bilateral relations with France to a<br />

minimum. The purchase <strong>of</strong> military equipment from France and the sharing <strong>of</strong><br />

sensitive nuclear information was to be restricted, while <strong>of</strong>ficials should „adopt an<br />

attitu<strong>de</strong> <strong>of</strong> reserve to bilateral meetings with the French”. 5<br />

Despite the Foreign Office’s strategy <strong>of</strong> focussing on the Five, ambassador<br />

Reilly argued for an un<strong>de</strong>rstanding with <strong>de</strong> Gaulle. He questioned London’s<br />

assumption that the French withdrawal from NATO gave Britain a free hand in the<br />

EEC, arguing:<br />

“there is no evi<strong>de</strong>nce that the NATO crisis has affected the Brussels situation. In fact<br />

there may well be a ten<strong>de</strong>ncy by the Five to avoid a new crisis in Brussels in case this<br />

would help to drive France out <strong>of</strong> the Alliance”. 6<br />

Reilly warned the Foreign Office that <strong>of</strong>fering to base SHAPE, NATO’s<br />

European headquarters, in London, could only have a negative effect on Britain’s<br />

policy towards Europe:<br />

“The transfer <strong>of</strong> SHAPE to Britain would make it easier for Gaullist propaganda to<br />

portray it as an Anglo-Saxon dominated organisation on which the EEC countries<br />

could not wholly rely”. 7<br />

2. This point was repeatedly communicated to the embassy by several advisers to <strong>de</strong> Gaulle, see UK-<br />

NA: FO371/188327, Ramsbotham to Campbell, 13 January 1966.<br />

3. UKNA: FO371/188327, Hancock to Reilly, 14 January 1966.<br />

4. UKNA: FO146/4632, memorandum ‘The international consequences <strong>of</strong> General <strong>de</strong> Gaulle’s policy’,<br />

13 April 1966.<br />

5. Ibid.<br />

6. UKNA: FO146/4632, Mansfield to Ramsbotham, Ledwidge, Logan, James and Tickell, 21 April<br />

1966.<br />

7. UKNA: FO146/4632, Reilly to Hood, 3 March 1966.

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