journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
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44<br />
Lasse Michael Boehm<br />
backing <strong>of</strong> the „Five”: Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg.<br />
The Paris embassy on the other hand insisted on the possibility <strong>of</strong> another French<br />
veto unless a rapprochement with <strong>de</strong> Gaulle could be achieved. There was,<br />
embassy <strong>of</strong>ficers believed, a chance to come to an agreement with France. As they<br />
repeatedly pointed out, both countries, for example, resented the supranational<br />
ten<strong>de</strong>ncies <strong>of</strong> the European Commission. 2<br />
Because <strong>of</strong> its focus on the Five, the Foreign Office was unwilling to establish<br />
closer relations with the French. Assistant un<strong>de</strong>r-secretary <strong>of</strong> State Patrick Hancock<br />
was <strong>de</strong>eply sceptical <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong> Gaulle’s intentions:<br />
“It seems to be inconceivable that [<strong>de</strong> Gaulle] would be interested in British membership<br />
except on terms which would involve our abandonment <strong>of</strong> a close political<br />
and <strong>de</strong>fence relationship with the United States”. 3<br />
In March 1966, the Foreign Office saw its view reinforced by the French<br />
withdrawal from NATO’s military command structure, and placed new hopes on<br />
the Five:<br />
“The effective withdrawal <strong>of</strong> France from the integrated military work <strong>of</strong> the alliance<br />
creates a gap which the Five, and certain sections <strong>of</strong> public opinion in France, will<br />
hope to see filled by a stronger British influence in Europe”. 4<br />
Britain, a memorandum argued, should keep bilateral relations with France to a<br />
minimum. The purchase <strong>of</strong> military equipment from France and the sharing <strong>of</strong><br />
sensitive nuclear information was to be restricted, while <strong>of</strong>ficials should „adopt an<br />
attitu<strong>de</strong> <strong>of</strong> reserve to bilateral meetings with the French”. 5<br />
Despite the Foreign Office’s strategy <strong>of</strong> focussing on the Five, ambassador<br />
Reilly argued for an un<strong>de</strong>rstanding with <strong>de</strong> Gaulle. He questioned London’s<br />
assumption that the French withdrawal from NATO gave Britain a free hand in the<br />
EEC, arguing:<br />
“there is no evi<strong>de</strong>nce that the NATO crisis has affected the Brussels situation. In fact<br />
there may well be a ten<strong>de</strong>ncy by the Five to avoid a new crisis in Brussels in case this<br />
would help to drive France out <strong>of</strong> the Alliance”. 6<br />
Reilly warned the Foreign Office that <strong>of</strong>fering to base SHAPE, NATO’s<br />
European headquarters, in London, could only have a negative effect on Britain’s<br />
policy towards Europe:<br />
“The transfer <strong>of</strong> SHAPE to Britain would make it easier for Gaullist propaganda to<br />
portray it as an Anglo-Saxon dominated organisation on which the EEC countries<br />
could not wholly rely”. 7<br />
2. This point was repeatedly communicated to the embassy by several advisers to <strong>de</strong> Gaulle, see UK-<br />
NA: FO371/188327, Ramsbotham to Campbell, 13 January 1966.<br />
3. UKNA: FO371/188327, Hancock to Reilly, 14 January 1966.<br />
4. UKNA: FO146/4632, memorandum ‘The international consequences <strong>of</strong> General <strong>de</strong> Gaulle’s policy’,<br />
13 April 1966.<br />
5. Ibid.<br />
6. UKNA: FO146/4632, Mansfield to Ramsbotham, Ledwidge, Logan, James and Tickell, 21 April<br />
1966.<br />
7. UKNA: FO146/4632, Reilly to Hood, 3 March 1966.