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20 Ania Krok-Paszkowska and Jan Zielonka Schroeder unexpectedly supported Poland’s request for additional funding after his meeting with Poland’s prime minister Leszek Miller. 49 NATO was important in Poland’s relations with the Union because of its perceived role in securing the continent and in anchoring the United States in Europe. Successive Polish governments saw NATO and EU enlargements as closely linked and mutually reinforcing. 50 Economic prosperity and democracy were seen as possible only in a secure environment. As early as December 1991, Polish prime minister Jan Olszewski stressed that NATO was a pillar of European security and the presence of the US army in Europe was a factor of stability. The worry was that without inclusion in NATO, Poland would become part of a “grey zone” in which other states would retain the right to decide on its political future. 51 In its statement on the opening of EU accession negotiations, the Polish government again underlined that “EU membership […], in combination with membership in NATO, will be conducive to the consolidation of the democratic order and security in this part of the continent”. 52 Poland’s initial overtures to NATO were met with even more cautious reaction in the West than its overtures to the EU. Western governments, including the American one, were anxious not to antagonise the Soviet Union, and later Russia. 53 With the passage of time, however, these attitudes changed. In 1994, the presidents of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia met with president Clinton in Prague and pushed hard for admission to NATO. Instead, they were offered collaboration with NATO within the Partnership for Peace framework. However, in 1997, in Madrid, NATO invited Poland to join its ranks as a full member. Even before it joined in 1999, Poland’s enthusiasm about NATO was seen as problematic in some countries of the Union because of its American rather than Russian 49. Schroeder gives Poles the cream, in: Financial Times-Observer-Europe, December 15 th 2002. 50. H. SUCHOCKA, Poland's European perspective, in: NATO-review, 41:3(June 1993), p.3; W. CIMOSZEWICZ, Building Poland’s security: membership of NATO as a key objective, NATO Review, 4:3(May 1996), pp.3-7; B. GEREMEK, Europäische Politik zwischen Ost und West. Polens geostrategischen Chancen, in: Internationale-Politik, 54:11(November 1999), pp.35-40. 51. W. CIMOSZEWICZ, The Eastern Dimension of the European Union. The Polish View, Speech at the Conference “The EU Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy”, Warsaw, February 20 th 2003. 52. Statement on the opening of Poland’s negotiations on membership in the European Union, Brussels, March 31 st 1998, Yearbook of Polish European Studies, vol.2. 53. A. MICHTA, Poland. A Linchpin of Regional Security, in: A. MICHTA (ed.), America's new allies: Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic in NATO, University of Washington Press, Seattle/London, 1999, pp.40-73.
Poland’s Road to the European Union 21 dimension. In the late 1990s the main issue at stake was Poland’s criticism of the EU’s efforts to foster closer co-operation in the field of defence as a way of gaining independence from NATO. 54 Polish concern about Eastern Europe in its relations with the EU was guided by security concerns, but cultural and economic ties with Poland’s Eastern neighbours have always been important too. Large parts of Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania belonged to Poland in the past, and many Poles still feel attached to these countries despite a rather complex history of inter-ethnic and inter-state relations. 55 There have been suggestions that Poland should replicate the role of Germany towards Poland in its relations with Lithuania, Ukraine and eventually Belarus. In 1997, prime minister Jerzy Buzek declared that it was Poland’s moral duty and in its political interest to support democracy and market reforms in these countries. 56 In his April 1990 speech to parliament on the priorities of Polish foreign policy, foreign minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski stressed Poland’s desire for an intensification of political, economic and cultural ties with Western countries, but he also underlined that this did not exclude an active Eastern policy. 57 Even before acceding, Poland has already quietly launched the idea of an “Eastern Dimension” to the EU’s external policy. 58 The Eastern dimension of the European integration process was also highlighted by John Paul II. When speaking about accession to the EU the pope made historical reference to the Union of Lublin and Queen Jadwiga 54. R. KUŻNIAR (ed.), Polska Polityka Bezpieczeństwa 1989-2000, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, Fundacja Studiów Międzynarodowych, Warszawa, 2001; T. CHABIERA, Rozszerzenie – element strategii NATO, Polska w Europie, Ośrodek Studiów Międzynarodowych i Fundacja “Polska w Europie”, 32(June 2000), pp.106-118; S. PARZYMIES and I. POPIUK-RYSINSKA (eds.), Polska w organizacjach międzynarodowych, Fundacja Studiów Międzynarodowych, “Scholar”, Warszawa, 2002. The 2003 Iraq crisis further underlined Poland’s pro-American and pro-NATO position in contrast to the position of such EU member states as Germany and France. French president Jacques Chirac openly criticised Poland’s stance and some European media began to talk about Poland as the future “American Trojan Horse” within the Union. See J. REED, Poland seeks postwar role for companies. Reconstruction Dividend, in: Financial Times, March 5 th 2003; A. BEUVE-MERY and S. MARTI, Pourquoi l’Europe de l’Est vote George W. Bush: Le soutien des pays candidats aux Etats-Unis sur l’Iraq traduit leur adhésion au modèle anglosaxon, in: Le Monde, March 4 th 2003; Elargissement, in: Le Monde-editorial, June 17 th 2003. 55. A. LIEBICH, Les minorités nationales en Europe centrale et orientale, Institut européen de l’Université de Genève, Genève, 1997; R.WAPIŃSKI (ed.), Polacy i sąsiedzi – dystanse i przenikanie kultur: zbiór studiów, Prace Zakładu Historii Myśli i Kultury Politycznej Instytutu Historii Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego ‘Stepan Design’, Ostaszewo [Gdańskie], 2000; S. BURANT, Problematyka wschodnia: studium porównawcze stosunków Polski z Litwą, Białorusią i Ukrainą, Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych, Seria Studia i Materiały, PISM, Warszawa, 1993. 56. Prime minister Buzek’s declaration to the Sejm (parliament) of 10 November 1997, quoted in K. GERNER, op.cit. 57. A. PODRAZA, Central Europe in the process of European integration: a comparative study of strategies of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia towards deepening and widening of the European Union, Research Support Scheme, Prague, 2000. 58. P. KOWAL (ed.), The EU’s “Eastern Dimension” – An Opportunity for or Idée Fixe of Poland’s Policy?, Centre for International Relations, Warsaw, 2002; W. CIMOSZEWICZ (2003), op.cit.
Page 1 and 2: JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION HIS
Page 7 and 8: 5 Introduction Anne Deighton This v
Page 9 and 10: 7 Poland’s Road to the European U
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Page 21: Poland’s Road to the European Uni
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Page 45 and 46: Our Man in Paris: The British Embas
Page 47 and 48: Our Man in Paris 45 The Pompidou vi
Page 49 and 50: Our Man in Paris 47 Brown’s desir
Page 51 and 52: Our Man in Paris 49 The Paris embas
Page 53 and 54: Our Man in Paris 51 The probe: Janu
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Page 63 and 64: The Soames Affair 61 However, recen
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145 Contributors - Auteurs - Autore
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