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88 Lise Rye Svartvatn an sectoral integration into the fields of energy, transport and atomic energy. 15 In France even pro-Europeans were sceptical of the part of the memorandum concerning a common market. Pinay, for instance, feared the consequences of a more liberal policy for French enterprises. 16 He was, again according to Robert Marjolin, «profondément gêné par ce qu’il savait des sentiments français, ceux des élites industrielles ou administratives, comme ceux du peuple lui-même, à l’égard des problèmes discutés». 17 The prevailing attitude within Pinay’s own ministry was in accordance with this, that acceptance of the proposal for a common market was very unlikely. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs argued that such a solution would demand the surmounting of very serious technical and social problems. The fact that European agriculture was not ready to confront free trade was one of these. The French Union, Benelux’s insistence on a low common external tariff, regional imbalances and disparities in prices and productivity constituted the rest of the problems. Additionally, one would have to deal with the social problems resulting from the above listed problems. 18 The Ministry also had political objections to entering a European common market. If Germany regained her sovereignty and the right of disposing an army, the fear was that integration would further German economic and political hegemony on the continent and that this in turn would imply the loss of all freedom of action and diplomatic independence for France. 19 Another concern of political character was that any development that could be interpreted as federal would frighten away large segments of the French public opinion. 20 While there were plenty of objections to the proposal for the common market, France was simultaneously unable to reject it. Already twice in two years time the country had prevented the process of European integration from progressing. First in August 1954 with the National Assembly’s rejection of the EDC proposal, and secondly in 1953, when the government had turned down an earlier version of the proposal for a common market. 21 Since the new proposal included concessions to the objections raised by France in 1953, another rejection would raise serious doubts about the country’s will to integrate. 22 The fact that the principle of a common market also figured in the agreement on the Saar recently entered into with Germany, made a re- 15. F. M. B. LYNCH, France and the International Economy …, op.cit., p.169. 16. P. GERBET, La ‘relance’ européenne …, op.cit., p.83. 17. R. MARJOLIN, Le travail d’une vie …, op.cit., p.279. 18. Documents diplomatiques français (DDF) 1955, I, no.288, Note de la Direction des Affaires économiques et financières. 18 May 1955. 19. MAE, DE-CE 1945-60, 611, Note, 20.04.55. 20. MAE, DE-CE 1945-60, 611, Note, 14.04.55. 21. In September 1953 the Dutch foreign minister Jan Willem Beyen proposed that tariff reductions were to take place within the six ECSC countries, and were to lead to a full customs union. On the 1953 proposal, see R. T GRIFFITHS and A. S. MILWARD, The Beyen Plan and the European Political Community, in: W. MAIHOFER (ed.), Noi si mura, Selected Working Papers of the European University Institute, Florence, 1986, pp.596-623. 22. The new proposal emphasized that the speed of the process of integration was to be determined by intergovernmental agreement. It also posed the principle of harmonization of social charges and production costs. DDF, 1955, I, no.308, Note du Département, May 1955.

France and the Claims for Social Harmonization in the European Economic Community 89 jection even more difficult. 23 The Ministry therefore concluded that, as matters stood, the best (and probably only) solution was to play for more time. 24 This was to be done by demanding an examination of the problems that would result from the setting up of a common market. At the Messina conference, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Antoine Pinay, acted in accordance with this conclusion. It has been argued that positive conclusions at Messina were due to concessions made by France’s partners. 25 The countries agreed to undertake a study of the measures necessary in order to harmonize the general policy of the participating states in the financial, economic and social fields. 26 Furthermore, they declared it essential to study the progressive harmonization of regulations now in force in the different states, particularly those relating to the length of the workday and the payment of additional benefits. 27 In the time that followed, France made every effort to change the economic terms of the Benelux proposal. As it had already been established that the proposal could not be turned down, this was the only logical thing to do. If the economic terms within a common market could be improved for France, scepticism within public opinion would decrease at the same time as the outlooks on a dominating German position. Earlier research into French European policy has shown that French tactics before the Messina conference were to disrupt the link between the acceptable proposal for sectoral integration and the unacceptable proposal for a common market. This was to be done by focusing on topics most likely to divide the other countries. Social harmonization was considered to be one such issue. 28 While there is no reason to doubt that disruption was what the Quai d’Orsay hoped for before the conference, several circumstances indicate the existence of additional motives. One of these is that the claims were sustained after the Messina conference was over and the disrupting tactic had failed. In Quest of Protection and Approval Scholars commenting on the French claims have contested their economic importance. 29 Robert Marjolin considered them an absurd demand. 30 However, Marjolin also gave the following description of what it would take to bring France into the common market. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid.: “il s’agirait d’étudier à loisir les conditions de réalisation du marché commun”. 25. H. J. KÜSTERS, The Origins of the EEC Treaty, in: E. SERRA (ed.), The Relaunching of Europe …, op.cit., p.217. 26. Historical Archives of the European Communities (HAEC), CM3/ Nego 001, Introduction. La Conférence de Messine, undated. 27. The Messina Declaration: (http://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/history/rtg/res1/messina.htm). 28. F. M. B. LYNCH, France and the International Economy …, op.cit., p.171. 29. A. S. MILWARD, Rescue …, op.cit., p.213. P. M. STIRK, A History of European Integration since 1914, Pinter, London, 1996, p.140. 30. R. MARJOLIN, Le travail d’une vie …, op.cit., p.286.

France and the Claims for Social Harmonization in the European Economic Community 89<br />

jection even more difficult. 23 The Ministry therefore conclu<strong>de</strong>d that, as matters stood,<br />

the best (and probably only) solution was to play for more time. 24 This was to be<br />

done by <strong>de</strong>manding an examination <strong>of</strong> the problems that would result from the setting<br />

up <strong>of</strong> a common market. At the Messina conference, Minister <strong>of</strong> Foreign Affairs,<br />

Antoine Pinay, acted in accordance with this conclusion. It has been argued that positive<br />

conclusions at Messina were due to concessions ma<strong>de</strong> by France’s partners. 25<br />

The countries agreed to un<strong>de</strong>rtake a study <strong>of</strong> the measures necessary in or<strong>de</strong>r to harmonize<br />

the general policy <strong>of</strong> the participating states in the financial, economic and<br />

social fields. 26 Furthermore, they <strong>de</strong>clared it essential to study the progressive harmonization<br />

<strong>of</strong> regulations now in force in the different states, particularly those relating<br />

to the length <strong>of</strong> the workday and the payment <strong>of</strong> additional benefits. 27<br />

In the time that followed, France ma<strong>de</strong> every effort to change the economic<br />

terms <strong>of</strong> the Benelux proposal. As it had already been established that the proposal<br />

could not be turned down, this was the only logical thing to do. If the economic<br />

terms within a common market could be improved for France, scepticism within<br />

public opinion would <strong>de</strong>crease at the same time as the outlooks on a dominating<br />

German position. Earlier research into French European policy has shown that<br />

French tactics before the Messina conference were to disrupt the link between the<br />

acceptable proposal for sectoral <strong>integration</strong> and the unacceptable proposal for a<br />

common market. This was to be done by focusing on topics most likely to divi<strong>de</strong><br />

the other countries. Social harmonization was consi<strong>de</strong>red to be one such issue. 28<br />

While there is no reason to doubt that disruption was what the Quai d’Orsay hoped<br />

for before the conference, several circumstances indicate the existence <strong>of</strong> additional<br />

motives. One <strong>of</strong> these is that the claims were sustained after the Messina conference<br />

was over and the disrupting tactic had failed.<br />

In Quest <strong>of</strong> Protection and Approval<br />

Scholars commenting on the French claims have contested their economic importance.<br />

29 Robert Marjolin consi<strong>de</strong>red them an absurd <strong>de</strong>mand. 30 However, Marjolin<br />

also gave the following <strong>de</strong>scription <strong>of</strong> what it would take to bring France into the<br />

common market.<br />

23. Ibid.<br />

24. Ibid.: “il s’agirait d’étudier à loisir les conditions <strong>de</strong> réalisation du marché commun”.<br />

25. H. J. KÜSTERS, The Origins <strong>of</strong> the EEC Treaty, in: E. SERRA (ed.), The Relaunching <strong>of</strong> Europe …,<br />

op.cit., p.217.<br />

26. Historical Archives <strong>of</strong> the European Communities (HAEC), CM3/ Nego 001, Introduction. La<br />

Conférence <strong>de</strong> Messine, undated.<br />

27. The Messina Declaration: (http://www.let.lei<strong>de</strong>nuniv.nl/<strong>history</strong>/rtg/res1/messina.htm).<br />

28. F. M. B. LYNCH, France and the International Economy …, op.cit., p.171.<br />

29. A. S. MILWARD, Rescue …, op.cit., p.213. P. M. STIRK, A History <strong>of</strong> European Integration since<br />

1914, Pinter, London, 1996, p.140.<br />

30. R. MARJOLIN, Le travail d’une vie …, op.cit., p.286.

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