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85<br />

In Quest <strong>of</strong> Time, Protection and Approval:<br />

France and the Claims for Social Harmonization in<br />

the European Economic Community, 1955-56<br />

Lise Rye Svartvatn<br />

The <strong>de</strong>velopment <strong>of</strong> the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in the 1960s illustrates<br />

how France solved a national problem by means <strong>of</strong> a European solution. 1 By<br />

making France’s participation in the European Economic Community (EEC) conditional<br />

on the setting up <strong>of</strong> a common agricultural market and a common agricultural<br />

policy in accordance with French preferences, the country succee<strong>de</strong>d in giving<br />

French surplus production new outlets. 2 The French position during the negotiations<br />

that led to the Treaty <strong>of</strong> Rome indicates that there were similar ambitions<br />

behind the country’s claims for social harmonization. France was not the only<br />

country calling for social harmonization. However, while the Benelux countries<br />

<strong>de</strong>man<strong>de</strong>d a harmonization <strong>of</strong> the social policies <strong>of</strong> the participating countries,<br />

France called for a harmonization <strong>of</strong> working regulations, claiming that the diversity<br />

in existing national regulations caused unequal terms <strong>of</strong> competition. More<br />

precisely, France <strong>de</strong>man<strong>de</strong>d that all members <strong>of</strong> the future common market signed<br />

and ensured the effective application <strong>of</strong> the International Labour Organization’s<br />

(ILO) convention on equal pay for men and women. She also <strong>de</strong>man<strong>de</strong>d the introduction<br />

<strong>of</strong> uniform overtime pay for hours exceeding an agreed number and the<br />

harmonization <strong>of</strong> paid holiday schemes.<br />

This article argues that the French claims for social harmonization were<br />

launched in or<strong>de</strong>r to secure time, protection and approval. When first presented at<br />

the Messina conference in early June 1955, the claims formed part <strong>of</strong> a scheme that<br />

aimed to gain time for a government unable to take a stand on the proposed common<br />

market. They were sustained in or<strong>de</strong>r to secure continued protection for<br />

French industry. Continued protection was in turn instrumental in securing the National<br />

Assembly’s approval <strong>of</strong> the government’s pro-EEC policy. Maintenance <strong>of</strong><br />

protection simultaneously formed part <strong>of</strong> a superior agenda aiming at the mo<strong>de</strong>rnization<br />

<strong>of</strong> the French industrial structure. France raised the stakes in or<strong>de</strong>r to get her<br />

own way. In October 1956 this led to a <strong>de</strong>adlock in the negotiations. Due to Germany’s<br />

will and ability to accommodate the French claims, France finally obtained an<br />

agreement that ren<strong>de</strong>red a completion <strong>of</strong> the negotiations possible.<br />

A central question in studies <strong>of</strong> French European policy in this period has been<br />

why France took an interest in the new proposals for further <strong>integration</strong> that ap-<br />

1. This article originated as a paper presented at the workshop “The Nordic Countries and West<br />

European Economic Integration up to the EFTA period” in Turku (Åbo), September 1999. I thank<br />

the participants, the anonymous reviewers, Frances M. B. Lynch, Hans Otto Frøland and Siri Rye<br />

Salvesen for helpful suggestions.<br />

2. Centre <strong>de</strong>s Archives Contemporaines (CAC), Secrétariat général du Comité interministériel pour<br />

les questions <strong>de</strong> coopération économique européenne (SGCI) 771468, Art.89, Note sur les objectifs<br />

<strong>de</strong> la France dans la politique agricole commune, 03.11.61.

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