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150 Book reviews – Comptes rendus – Buchbesprechungen Institut für Zeitgeschichte on behalf of Auswärtiges Amt (ed.) – Akten zur Auswärtigen Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1951, ed. by Matthias Jaroch; 1952, ed. by Martin Koopmann and Joachim Wintzer, R. Oldenbourg Verlag, München, 1999, LVIII, 816 p. – ISBN 3-486-56418-8; 2000, LVIII and 842 p. – ISBN 3-486-56480-3. – 64,80 € (each volume). In the early 1950s West German foreign policy had to face a serious dilemma: on the one hand, Chancellor Adenauer, who since March 1951 was acting as foreign minister, too, tried to reduce West Germany’s dependency on the Western Allies; on the other hand, he desperately needed – and asked for – Allied support, especially after the Stalin proposals of spring 1952 concerning the unification of Germany. Thus Adenauer, at the same time, had to avoid the impression on the part of the Western powers that West Germany might again turn to traditional power politics, and on the part of the German people that he was some sort of a puppet on Allied strings. How successful he and his government in Bonn were in managing this problem is, amongst many other topics, documented in the two volumes. These volumes – a first one, dealing with the years 1949/1950, was published in 1997 – are the first steps towards filling the gap between 1949 and 1963, the starting point of the “official” edition project concerning the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. They, too, may be read in addition to the documentation on the talks between Adenauer and the Allied High Commission, published in two volumes in 1989 and 1990. As was the case with the former volumes, a summary of their content is not provided, but abstracts for each document and a detailed index are valuable tools for searching certain topics. The annotations by the editors concentrate on more or less “technical” aspects like the references of a certain document to others or to other record groups, the importance of documents within the decision making process or its political and organisational background. The main source of documentation in these two volumes have been the archives of the German foreign ministry; furthermore, they contain some records of the papers of Herbert Blankenhorn, head of the political department of the Auswärtiges Amt, and the Federal Chancellery kept by the Bundesarchiv Koblenz, of the Bundesarchiv/Militärarchiv in Freiburg and of the Adenauer papers, kept by the Stiftung Bundeskanzler-Adenauer-Haus in Rhöndorf near Bonn. The altogether 469 documents, including memoranda, notes, minutes and correspondence, cover a wide range of topics: the West German contribution to the common Western defence against the “communist threat”, the European Defence Community (EDC), the ratification of the treaty on the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the “contractual agreements” between the Three Powers and the Federal Republic and the termination of the occupation statute, the establishment of diplomatic relations with other countries, the negotiations on the settlement of Germany’s foreign debts, the restitution negotiations with Israel, the problem of German reunification, the Saar question, and arms production, to mention only the most important. Surprisingly, there are only a few entries concerning the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation and the European Payments Union, which were without doubt of high importance for the integration of West Germany into the West European economic and political setting. One may wonder whether this fact reflects the attitude towards the OEEC of Adenauer and his administration or of those who selected the documents. Among the most interesting topics rank the Soviet Union’s proposals regarding a unified, but neutralised Germany and the reactions of the Western powers, as well as of the Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). It becomes clear that not only the Federal Chancellor and his supporters were afraid of the potential consequences, but also the GDR government. Ulbricht and other leading politicians of the Socialist Unity Party (SED) feared that they might be “sacrificed cold-heartedly”, if the Soviet Union succeeded in keeping West Germany out of the “aggressive block” dominated by the United States. So Adenauer’s rigid refusal to explore the Soviet offer was received with great relief by the East

Book reviews – Comptes rendus – Buchbesprechungen 151 German government. Amongst Adenauer’s motives for the rejection of the Soviet proposals the non-recognition of the Oder-Neiße as Germany’s final Eastern border ranked very high. One may speculate about the chances to unify at least the Federal Republic and the GDR at that time, if Adenauer would have been willing to renounce the Eastern parts of the former German Reich. As far as European integration is concerned, the formation of a defence community is the problem most frequently dealt with in the documents. The West Germans stressed the necessity to be treated on equal terms and to establish some sort of political framework for the EDC and the ECSC as well. Although there can be no doubt regarding the Federal government’s willingness to integrate West Germany into the emerging European community, French anxiety seemed not to have disappeared until the signing of the ECSC treaty. To control the Germans counted, after all, amongst the predominant causes of European integration – a fact that Adenauer had already “forgotten” in spring 1952, when he only mentioned the aggressive politics of the Soviet Union as an impetus to unify Europe. The two volumes are a valuable and indispensable source for anyone who is interested in the beginnings of West German foreign policy. The documents demonstrate in detail what kind of obstacles had to be cleared and how “Bonn” step by step got used to a new style of foreign policy and to its new role in European and international politics. Priv.Doz. Dr. Werner Bührer Technische Universität München Marie-Thérèse BITSCH (ed.) – Le couple France-Allemagne et les institutions européennes. Une postérité pour le plan Schuman? Proceedings of the symposium held at the Institute of high European studies of Strasbourg (Strasbourg University III – Robert Schuman), 25 -27 May 2000, Brussels, Bruylant, 2001, 609 p. – ISBN 2-8027-1500-3 – 85,00 €. On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the declaration of 9 May 1950, the Institute of high European studies of the Strasbourg University III – Robert Schuman, organized, from 25 to 27 May 2000, a scientific symposium with the purpose of studying the posterity of this founding proclamation of the European Community. Following the tradition established by Raymond Poidevin who has set up and run for long years the Research Centre for the history of international relations of the Institute, this symposium gathered French and German historians specialists in the history of Europe and connected the subjects of Franco-German relations and European construction. Without recounting the genesis and the immediate results of the Schuman plan, already known by the works of Raymond Poidevin 1 and Pierre Gerbet 2 or by the symposium organized on that subject by Klaus Schwabe, 3 the 25 contributions collected by Marie-Thérèse Bitsch look back, over a period of 50 years, on the evolution of the Franco-German relations with regard to the Community construction. The contributions are divided into five large parts that successively take up the “first options” leading from the Schuman plan to the treaties of Rome (with in particular an assessment of the ideas of Walter Hallstein), the “pros- 1. R. POIDEVIN, Robert Schuman, homme d’Etat, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1986, 520 p. by the same author, in collaboration with Dierk SPIERENBURG, Histoire de la Haute Autorité de la CE- CA, Bruxelles, Bruylant, 1993, 919 p. 2. P. GERBET, La genèse du plan Schuman. Des origines à la déclaration du 9 mai 1950, Lausanne, Centre de recherches européennes, 1962, 40 p. 3. K. SCHWABE (editorship), Die Anfänge des Schuman-Plans 1950-1951, Baden-Baden, Nomos, 1988, 475 p.

150<br />

Book reviews – Comptes rendus – Buchbesprechungen<br />

Institut für Zeitgeschichte on behalf <strong>of</strong> Auswärtiges Amt (ed.) – Akten zur Auswärtigen<br />

Politik <strong>de</strong>r Bun<strong>de</strong>srepublik Deutschland, 1951, ed. by Matthias Jaroch; 1952, ed. by<br />

Martin Koopmann and Joachim Wintzer, R. Ol<strong>de</strong>nbourg Verlag, München, 1999, LVIII,<br />

816 p. – ISBN 3-486-56418-8; 2000, LVIII and 842 p. – ISBN 3-486-56480-3. – 64,80 €<br />

(each volume).<br />

In the early 1950s West German foreign policy had to face a serious dilemma: on the one<br />

hand, Chancellor A<strong>de</strong>nauer, who since March 1951 was acting as foreign minister, too, tried<br />

to reduce West Germany’s <strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>ncy on the Western Allies; on the other hand, he <strong>de</strong>sperately<br />

nee<strong>de</strong>d – and asked for – Allied support, especially after the Stalin proposals <strong>of</strong> spring<br />

1952 concerning the unification <strong>of</strong> Germany. Thus A<strong>de</strong>nauer, at the same time, had to avoid<br />

the impression on the part <strong>of</strong> the Western powers that West Germany might again turn to traditional<br />

power politics, and on the part <strong>of</strong> the German people that he was some sort <strong>of</strong> a puppet<br />

on Allied strings. How successful he and his government in Bonn were in managing this<br />

problem is, amongst many other topics, documented in the two volumes.<br />

These volumes – a first one, <strong>de</strong>aling with the years 1949/1950, was published in 1997 –<br />

are the first steps towards filling the gap between 1949 and 1963, the starting point <strong>of</strong> the<br />

“<strong>of</strong>ficial” edition project concerning the foreign policy <strong>of</strong> the Fe<strong>de</strong>ral Republic <strong>of</strong> Germany.<br />

They, too, may be read in addition to the documentation on the talks between A<strong>de</strong>nauer and<br />

the Allied High Commission, published in two volumes in 1989 and 1990. As was the case<br />

with the former volumes, a summary <strong>of</strong> their content is not provi<strong>de</strong>d, but abstracts for each<br />

document and a <strong>de</strong>tailed in<strong>de</strong>x are valuable tools for searching certain topics. The annotations<br />

by the editors concentrate on more or less “technical” aspects like the references <strong>of</strong> a<br />

certain document to others or to other record groups, the importance <strong>of</strong> documents within<br />

the <strong>de</strong>cision making process or its political and organisational background. The main source<br />

<strong>of</strong> documentation in these two volumes have been the archives <strong>of</strong> the German foreign ministry;<br />

furthermore, they contain some records <strong>of</strong> the papers <strong>of</strong> Herbert Blankenhorn, head <strong>of</strong><br />

the political <strong>de</strong>partment <strong>of</strong> the Auswärtiges Amt, and the Fe<strong>de</strong>ral Chancellery kept by the<br />

Bun<strong>de</strong>sarchiv Koblenz, <strong>of</strong> the Bun<strong>de</strong>sarchiv/Militärarchiv in Freiburg and <strong>of</strong> the A<strong>de</strong>nauer<br />

papers, kept by the Stiftung Bun<strong>de</strong>skanzler-A<strong>de</strong>nauer-Haus in Rhöndorf near Bonn.<br />

The altogether 469 documents, including memoranda, notes, minutes and correspon<strong>de</strong>nce,<br />

cover a wi<strong>de</strong> range <strong>of</strong> topics: the West German contribution to the common Western <strong>de</strong>fence<br />

against the “communist threat”, the European Defence Community (EDC), the ratification <strong>of</strong> the<br />

treaty on the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the “contractual agreements”<br />

between the Three Powers and the Fe<strong>de</strong>ral Republic and the termination <strong>of</strong> the occupation statute,<br />

the establishment <strong>of</strong> diplomatic relations with other countries, the negotiations on the settlement<br />

<strong>of</strong> Germany’s foreign <strong>de</strong>bts, the restitution negotiations with Israel, the problem <strong>of</strong> German<br />

reunification, the Saar question, and arms production, to mention only the most important. Surprisingly,<br />

there are only a few entries concerning the Organisation for European Economic<br />

Co-operation and the European Payments Union, which were without doubt <strong>of</strong> high importance<br />

for the <strong>integration</strong> <strong>of</strong> West Germany into the West European economic and political setting. One<br />

may won<strong>de</strong>r whether this fact reflects the attitu<strong>de</strong> towards the OEEC <strong>of</strong> A<strong>de</strong>nauer and his administration<br />

or <strong>of</strong> those who selected the documents.<br />

Among the most interesting topics rank the Soviet Union’s proposals regarding a unified,<br />

but neutralised Germany and the reactions <strong>of</strong> the Western powers, as well as <strong>of</strong> the Fe<strong>de</strong>ral<br />

Republic and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). It becomes clear that not only the<br />

Fe<strong>de</strong>ral Chancellor and his supporters were afraid <strong>of</strong> the potential consequences, but also<br />

the GDR government. Ulbricht and other leading politicians <strong>of</strong> the Socialist Unity Party<br />

(SED) feared that they might be “sacrificed cold-heartedly”, if the Soviet Union succee<strong>de</strong>d<br />

in keeping West Germany out <strong>of</strong> the “aggressive block” dominated by the United States. So<br />

A<strong>de</strong>nauer’s rigid refusal to explore the Soviet <strong>of</strong>fer was received with great relief by the East

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