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Book reviews – Comptes rendus – Buchbesprechungen 143<br />

Secondly, Chryssochoou’s plea for the use <strong>of</strong> metatheory in re<strong>de</strong>fining the European <strong>integration</strong><br />

research agenda is equally groun<strong>de</strong>d on weak foundations. Based on his characterization <strong>of</strong><br />

the European polity as a ‘confe<strong>de</strong>ral consociation’, he shows that one <strong>of</strong> the key problems that<br />

troubles the present and future EU, the problem <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>mocratic legitimacy, has to be put at<br />

center-stage. Yet, why should this problem be approached through ‘metatheorizing’? Chryssochoous’s<br />

claim for metatheory is based on two assumptions. First, the problem <strong>of</strong> transnational<br />

<strong>de</strong>mocracy-building to overcome the challenges to <strong>de</strong>mocratic legitimacy can only be addressed<br />

in the context <strong>of</strong> constructing a European civic sphere or <strong>de</strong>mos; and second, theories <strong>of</strong> <strong>integration</strong><br />

are too narrowly confined as to be capable <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>aling with these questions. The first assumption<br />

is based on an i<strong>de</strong>al-typical characterization <strong>of</strong> the EU as a ‘confe<strong>de</strong>ral consociation’ and<br />

forms part <strong>of</strong> a larger <strong>de</strong>bate about a ‘<strong>de</strong>mos-requirement’ for the workings <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>mocracy, a<br />

<strong>de</strong>bate which he does not even hint at in the book. However, why should the rea<strong>de</strong>r be convinced<br />

about the ‘civic sphere’ or ‘<strong>de</strong>mos-requirement’ for the construction <strong>of</strong> a legitimate and viable<br />

European polity when Chryssochoou does not provi<strong>de</strong> compelling arguments why we should follow<br />

this assumption? He <strong>de</strong>finitely has a case when he claims that the ‘input’-si<strong>de</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>mocratic<br />

legitimacy is heavily bur<strong>de</strong>ned, but he fails to <strong>de</strong>liver on the implications – he simply assumes<br />

that European <strong>de</strong>mocracy has to be European <strong>de</strong>mos-cracy. Consequently, the second assumption<br />

– that extant theories <strong>of</strong> <strong>integration</strong> neither ask the right questions nor provi<strong>de</strong> any answers to the<br />

<strong>de</strong>mos-cracy-problem– is a corollary <strong>of</strong> the first. However, only if we accept the ill-foun<strong>de</strong>d first<br />

assumption does the second make sense.<br />

Theorizing and metatheorizing/‘self-reflection’ on the European polity should follow criteria<br />

which are clearly <strong>de</strong>fined and transparent. Chryssochoou’s book has ma<strong>de</strong> a valid and<br />

important point when affirming that <strong>de</strong>mocratic legitimacy in the EU is un<strong>de</strong>r stress – but he<br />

has provi<strong>de</strong>d a nonconvincing argument as to why explanatory theory and positivist science<br />

should not be able to address and <strong>de</strong>al with the question <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>mocratic legitimacy. Furthermore,<br />

even if we were to accept that we need more metatheorizing, Chryssochoou’s book<br />

ends merely on a plea to do just that with little in the way <strong>of</strong> suggestions as to how to<br />

metatheorize, and which rules to follow.<br />

Berthold Rittberger<br />

Nuffield College<br />

University <strong>of</strong> Oxford<br />

Wolfram KAISER – Using Europe, Abusing the Europeans. Britain and European Integration,<br />

1945-63, Macmillan, London, 1999, 312 p. – ISBN 0-333-77635-6 – paperback:<br />

18.99 £.<br />

When Wolfram Kaiser's Using Europe, Abusing the Europeans. Britain and European Integration,<br />

1945-63 was originally published in 1996 it was lau<strong>de</strong>d on its dust jacket as 'indispensible',<br />

'outstanding' and 'an important contribution to British <strong>history</strong>'. At that time, the<br />

book <strong>de</strong>served such commendations as it was the first archive-based study <strong>of</strong> Britain's reaction<br />

to the formation <strong>of</strong> the European Economic Community (EEC). It has since held a notable<br />

position in what has become a rich and dominant area <strong>of</strong> research and teaching, enough<br />

for it to be reprinted with a new preface in 1999. Kaiser's subject – essentially British policy<br />

from the Messina Conference <strong>of</strong> June 1955 to <strong>de</strong> Gaulle's veto <strong>of</strong> Britain's first application<br />

in January 1963 – gained him a place in the historiography, but it was his argumentative<br />

style and uncompromising judgements which motivated other historians to engage with his<br />

work. To <strong>de</strong>termine whether the dust jacket endorsements <strong>of</strong> Using Europe remain valid,<br />

Kaiser's arguments have to be analysed, particularly in light <strong>of</strong> subsequent research. These<br />

may be divi<strong>de</strong>d into those specific to 1955-63 and those concerning the wi<strong>de</strong>r <strong>history</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />

Britain and European <strong>integration</strong>.

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