journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ... journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
112 Juhana Aunesluoma for Britain “for obvious reasons”. 28 Hence, if Britain was not to contract out of Europe completely, Scandinavia was their only chance. Irrespective whether this reasoning made much sense as a long-term strategy for Britain's European policy, the economic implications of a closer association between Britain and Scandinavia could not be overlooked. The original British studies over the pros and cons of an Anglo-Scandinavian economic association were remarkably optimistic both in terms of the extent of the projected association and the timetable of its establishment. What the British originally suggested was Scandinavia's association with the sterling area as “non scheduled territories”, without participation in the gold or dollar pools. In effect, this would have meant full freedom of currency convertibility and capital movements, which would in turn have led to a situation where both the sterling area and the Scandinavian countries would have agreed to hold each other's currencies without limit, i.e. would give each other unlimited short term credit. Otherwise the British did not suggest any far-reaching concessions in the most important and difficult fields of tariffs and the allocation for export of scarce raw materials such as coal, but such an extensive financial liberalisation within the group would undoubtedly have had implications on trade in due course. The initial Whitehall view, that there did not appear to be any serious objections for closer economic association, was subsequently revised when the plans were first discussed with the Scandinavians in December 1949 and January 1950. 29 The Swedes in particular were concerned lest they would end up financing the whole scheme, as they already held substantial sterling balances as a result of the imbalance of Britain's imports and exports with Sweden. As the Swedes saw it, the deepening of economic relations between Britain and the Scandinavian countries was ultimately dependent on the degree of equilibrium in the trade between the countries as long as multilateral trade was not re-established elsewhere. What proved most damaging to the British proposals was how further studies revealed that they would actually increase the existing disequilibria and probably lead to further increases of sterling balances in Sweden and Denmark in the short term at least: in plain words, a further increase of the credit they were already giving to Britain. 30 Not surprisingly, this made the Swedes especially apprehensive that they were to finance the whole scheme, a concern that was already familiar from studies conducted on the feasibility of further Scandinavian economic integration. Hence the Swedes were keen to find out what the British could give them in return in trade matters. As was soon found out, there was nothing to be expected on that side. Most important for Swedes and Danes were British exports of coal, which had not been touched upon in the preliminary discussions. Indeed, trade was scarcely mentioned in the discussions, which centred around financial and payments problems. 31 28. Ibid. 29. Treasury memorandum, 'Scandinavia. The Financial Problems of closer Union', 8 November1949, T 236/ 5370; Treasury memorandum, 'Scansa', undated, T 236/5371, PRO; Sharman Wright minute, 3 November 1949, OV 28/31, BEA. 30. Berthoud memorandum, 'Ukiscan', 20 December 1949, FO 371/78139, PRO. 31. Playfair to Christelow, 20 December 1949, FO 371/78139, PRO.
An Elusive Partnership: Europe, Economic Co-operation and British Policy 113 When the reluctance of in particular the Swedes and the Danes to embrace Britain's proposals of deepening their economic relations dawned in early 1950, Cripps still tried to instill more life into the Uniscan concept and continued to stress the importance of developing such co-operation further. But the momentum was hard to maintain not only because of the wider economic processes which undercut Uniscan's potential. The Labour Government was heading towards a general election and this was not the best of moments to break new ground in such a controversial issue as policy towards Europe. But more ominously for the long term, Cripps himself, his health ailing, had passed his peak as chancellor. Although he can be considered as the “primus motor” behind the Scandinavian orientation of Britain's European policy, his power was not enough to keep it running after the initial push. A stronger political will was lacking and nobody, either in Britain nor in Scandinavia, was ready to take on the initiative Cripps himself failed to take further. Besides bilateral trade and financial issues between the British and the Scandinavians, the feasibility of their economic co-operation depended on wider issues as well. From the British point of view, there were three main themes running alongside its attempts to deepen its economic and economic-political relationship with the Scandinavians. First, on the liberalisation of trade, the main progress was being made in Paris at the OEEC, and to a lesser extent under the auspices of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Measures agreed in these organisations influenced the participating states' positions in bilateral trade negotiations as they limited the scope for granting exclusive concessions. In other words, falling short of creating a discriminatory Anglo-Scandinavian trade bloc, Britain could offer relatively little to the Scandinavian countries that they did not already have. 32 Second, talks about ending financial restrictions between Britain and Scandinavia took place at the same time as proposals for a European Payments Union were being launched in Paris. 33 It was realised that any concessions made within Uniscan might have less value if there was an effective arrangement covering Western Europe as a whole, backed by Marshall aid dollars. Later during 1950, this process completely overtook the incremental and rather modest payments liberalisation process attempted within Uniscan in early 1950. But perhaps the main limiting factor allowing Uniscan to become a more wide reaching economic arrangement during the 1950s was the question of the West German economy. The re-emergence of West Germany in international markets challenged Britain's position as a large-scale supplier of industrial goods throughout Europe from the early 1950s onwards. 34 The Swedes and the Danes were keen to use their accumulated sterling balances for West German goods, and were therefore very hesitant about joining any discriminatory bloc in which West Germany was not a member. The West Ger- 32. 'Trade with Europe', The Financial Times, 23 January 1950. 33. For EPU see, A. S. MILWARD, The Reconstruction …, op.cit., pp.299-334; M. HOGAN, The Marshall Plan …, pp.291-335, 349-359. 34. On Swedish- W.German trade, M. FRITZ, Turbulente Jahre. Schwedens Außenhandel und Wirtschaft 1945-1954, in: U. OLSSON (ed.), Neuanfang. Beziehungen zwischen Schweden und Deutschland 1945-1954. Sieben Beiträge, Umeå Studies in Economic History, Umeå, 1990, pp.143-164.
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112<br />
Juhana Aunesluoma<br />
for Britain “for obvious reasons”. 28 Hence, if Britain was not to contract out <strong>of</strong> Europe<br />
completely, Scandinavia was their only chance.<br />
Irrespective whether this reasoning ma<strong>de</strong> much sense as a long-term strategy for<br />
Britain's European policy, the economic implications <strong>of</strong> a closer association between<br />
Britain and Scandinavia could not be overlooked. The original British studies over the<br />
pros and cons <strong>of</strong> an Anglo-Scandinavian economic association were remarkably optimistic<br />
both in terms <strong>of</strong> the extent <strong>of</strong> the projected association and the timetable <strong>of</strong> its establishment.<br />
What the British originally suggested was Scandinavia's association with<br />
the sterling area as “non scheduled territories”, without participation in the gold or dollar<br />
pools. In effect, this would have meant full freedom <strong>of</strong> currency convertibility and<br />
capital movements, which would in turn have led to a situation where both the sterling<br />
area and the Scandinavian countries would have agreed to hold each other's currencies<br />
without limit, i.e. would give each other unlimited short term credit. Otherwise the British<br />
did not suggest any far-reaching concessions in the most important and difficult<br />
fields <strong>of</strong> tariffs and the allocation for export <strong>of</strong> scarce raw materials such as coal, but<br />
such an extensive financial liberalisation within the group would undoubtedly have had<br />
implications on tra<strong>de</strong> in due course.<br />
The initial Whitehall view, that there did not appear to be any serious objections<br />
for closer economic association, was subsequently revised when the plans were<br />
first discussed with the Scandinavians in December 1949 and January 1950. 29 The<br />
Swe<strong>de</strong>s in particular were concerned lest they would end up financing the whole<br />
scheme, as they already held substantial sterling balances as a result <strong>of</strong> the imbalance<br />
<strong>of</strong> Britain's imports and exports with Swe<strong>de</strong>n. As the Swe<strong>de</strong>s saw it, the <strong>de</strong>epening<br />
<strong>of</strong> economic relations between Britain and the Scandinavian countries was<br />
ultimately <strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nt on the <strong>de</strong>gree <strong>of</strong> equilibrium in the tra<strong>de</strong> between the countries<br />
as long as multilateral tra<strong>de</strong> was not re-established elsewhere.<br />
What proved most damaging to the British proposals was how further studies revealed<br />
that they would actually increase the existing disequilibria and probably lead to<br />
further increases <strong>of</strong> sterling balances in Swe<strong>de</strong>n and Denmark in the short term at least:<br />
in plain words, a further increase <strong>of</strong> the credit they were already giving to Britain. 30 Not<br />
surprisingly, this ma<strong>de</strong> the Swe<strong>de</strong>s especially apprehensive that they were to finance the<br />
whole scheme, a concern that was already familiar from studies conducted on the feasibility<br />
<strong>of</strong> further Scandinavian economic <strong>integration</strong>. Hence the Swe<strong>de</strong>s were keen to<br />
find out what the British could give them in return in tra<strong>de</strong> matters. As was soon found<br />
out, there was nothing to be expected on that si<strong>de</strong>. Most important for Swe<strong>de</strong>s and<br />
Danes were British exports <strong>of</strong> coal, which had not been touched upon in the preliminary<br />
discussions. In<strong>de</strong>ed, tra<strong>de</strong> was scarcely mentioned in the discussions, which centred<br />
around financial and payments problems. 31<br />
28. Ibid.<br />
29. Treasury memorandum, 'Scandinavia. The Financial Problems <strong>of</strong> closer Union', 8 November1949, T 236/<br />
5370; Treasury memorandum, 'Scansa', undated, T 236/5371, PRO; Sharman Wright minute, 3 November<br />
1949, OV 28/31, BEA.<br />
30. Berthoud memorandum, 'Ukiscan', 20 December 1949, FO 371/78139, PRO.<br />
31. Playfair to Christelow, 20 December 1949, FO 371/78139, PRO.