journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
journal of european integration history revue d'histoire de l ...
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104<br />
Juhana Aunesluoma<br />
different international organisations was found difficult. The following article discusses<br />
the potential and the ramifications <strong>of</strong> Anglo-Scandinavian co-operation in<br />
the post-Second World War international economy and in the early years <strong>of</strong> European<br />
<strong>integration</strong>, with particular attention to British policy-making.<br />
Reconstruction and Restoration: Attempts to Re-establish Britain's<br />
Economic Positions in Scandinavia after 1945<br />
British economic thinking towards Scandinavia after the Second World War was<br />
characterised by the persistence <strong>of</strong> traditional views, which posited Scandinavia<br />
apart from the rest <strong>of</strong> Western Europe. Scandinavia was in many ways a special<br />
case, culturally and politically different from the continent, and what was most<br />
important, an enclave – in European standards – <strong>of</strong> unexceptionally high economic<br />
inter<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce with Britain.<br />
Although neither the continental European economies nor Scandinavia could challenge<br />
the primacy <strong>of</strong> the Dominions, the Commonwealth and the Sterling area in Britain's<br />
overseas tra<strong>de</strong> in the 1940s and 1950s, the three Scandinavian countries, Norway,<br />
Denmark and Swe<strong>de</strong>n, figured prominently in the economic geography <strong>of</strong> Europe as it<br />
was interpreted at the time in London. In 1946-53, the three Scandinavian countries had<br />
an average share <strong>of</strong> 7.4 per cent <strong>of</strong> Britain's overseas tra<strong>de</strong>, while the area that would<br />
later become the EEC amounted to no more than 11.1 per cent. 2<br />
The close relationship between the Scandinavian economies with Britain and<br />
the network <strong>of</strong> bilateral tra<strong>de</strong> agreements and financial arrangements that were established<br />
between the Sterling bloc and Scandinavia in the 1930s, ma<strong>de</strong> its position<br />
in British eyes to resemble more that <strong>of</strong> the Commonwealth than <strong>of</strong> Europe. Scandinavia<br />
could be seen in the vague terms <strong>of</strong> the “informal empire”, as was <strong>de</strong>scribed<br />
by Ashton Gwatkin <strong>of</strong> the Foreign Office when he interpreted it before the<br />
war to have formed “a kind <strong>of</strong> unacknowledged economic empire <strong>of</strong> which London<br />
is the metropolis”. 3 Intense competition with Adolf Hitler's economically expansive<br />
Germany in the 1930s merely heightened long-held views that Britain's concerns<br />
in the region were primarily economic, and that the essence <strong>of</strong> foreign policy,<br />
when it came to Scandinavia, was about tra<strong>de</strong>, finance and the maintenance <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
spheres <strong>of</strong> influence. 4<br />
2. Bulletins Statistiques <strong>de</strong> l'OECE, Commerce Exterieur, Série I, 1928, 1937-1953, Paris, 1954,<br />
pp.62-67.<br />
3. Quoted in P. LUDLOW, Britain and Northern Europe, 1940-1945, in: Scandinavian Journal <strong>of</strong><br />
History (SJH), 4/2(1979), pp.123-62. Ashton Gwatkin was an economic specialist in the Foreign<br />
Office (FO).<br />
4. A comprehensive account <strong>of</strong> economic and strategic competition between Britain and Germany in<br />
Scandinavia before 1940 is found in P. SALMON, Scandinavia and the Great Powers 1890-1940,<br />
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997.