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102 Lise Rye Svartvatn While France undoubtedly obtained less than she had asked for, what she obtained was what she needed. French policy-makers had considered acceptance of the common market proposal unlikely. They had done so because of the hostility that existed within France to the removal of protection that membership of the common market seemed to imply. Continued protection was as a consequence considered a necessity if the treaty on the common market was to get through Parliament. Through the November agreement with Germany, France obtained an agreement that secured continued protection of French industry. 88 The fact that France gave up her claim for veto in order to obtain this agreement, supports the affirmation that this agreement was of importance. Concluding Remarks The story of the French claims for social harmonization illustrates how France aimed to use the process of European integration as a means to ensure a continued expansion and modernization of the French economy. The claims for social harmonization were in turn instrumental in realizing France’s entry into the common market. In the beginning, these claims bought time for a government divided over the question of European integration. In the end, they ensured continued protection for French industry. In the final discussions over this question, France profited from the fact that other countries considered French membership of the common market a necessity. In the November 6 agreement with Germany, this enabled her to trade their wish for qualified majority voting in return for continued protection of French industry. At national level the maintenance of this protection was conducive to securing the support of French industry, and consequently the support of the National Assembly for the government’s pro-European policy. 88. Philippe Mioche shows that head of the CNPF, Georges Villiers, set great store by the concessions obtained and that the agreement was instrumental in turning hesitant industrialists in favour of the common market. Ph. MIOCHE, Le patronat français …, op.cit., p.253.
An Elusive Partnership: Europe, Economic Co-operation and British Policy towards Scandinavia 1949-1951 103 Juhana Aunesluoma Throughout the past half-century of European economic and political integration, Britain and Scandinavia have formed a stronghold for “Euro-scepticism”, where reluctance and outright opposition to new ideas about co-operation amongst the European nation-states has been widespread. Britain, Denmark and Sweden have been latecomers in the present day European Union (EU), whereas in Norway the question of European Economic Community (EEC) or EU membership has been rejected twice in national referenda. Whether in- or outside these organisations their relationship with more ardent Europeans has been problematic over a long period. Not least because their paths joined in the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) in 1959-60, the British and the Scandinavians have often been seen to have drawn a sense of unity from the fact that they all were in the 1950s, for various reasons, unable to participate in such integrative experiments as the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) or later in the EEC. The similarities in their behaviour have led to assumptions that even more wide-ranging convergence of interests between the British and the Scandinavians has existed since Europe's economic reconstruction began in the 1940s. British and Scandinavian scepticism towards new forms of economic and political co-operation in Europe in the 1950s was embedded in national circumstances and preferences, but was coupled with their shared feeling of the feasibility of an intergovernmental alternative towards economic co-operation in Europe in the 1950s. Further, instead of withdrawing into complete isolation, it has been argued that they sought “meaningful association” with the new institutions, and as can be seen in the following, with each other. 1 What is argued in the following is, that this basic convergence of interests in the early phase of European integration brought the British, Danish, Swedish and Norwegian governments together into regular consultations within a specifically established body, Uniscan, which sought to facilitate a degree of co-ordination of policies and eventually paved the way for the speedy establishment of EFTA in 1959, when the alternative to create a wider free trade area had been exhausted. None the less, before EFTA realised the original vision outlined in 1949, attempts towards deeper Anglo-Scandinavian economic co-operation beyond the consultative remit of Uniscan proved unsuccessful. In spite of similar thinking about the most fruitful approach to integration policies in Europe, co-ordinated policy-making and the definition of collective bargaining positions within and towards 1. On the ‘meaningful association’–thesis concerning British policy, see Chr. LORD, ’With but not of’: Britain and the Schuman Plan, A Reinterpretation, in: Journal of European Integration History (JEIH), 2/4(1998), pp.23-46, and Chr. LORD, Absent at the Creation: Britain and the Formation of the European Community, 1950-52, Darthmout, Aldershot, 1996.
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5 Towards a Supranational History?
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NOMOS Aktuell Die Konstruktion Euro
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