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74 Wolfram Kaiser 1962. 37 However, what they were looking for as a suitable quid pro quo from de Gaulle was not British EEC membership, but a more constructive French defence and security policy within NATO. 38 American economic self-interest was another problem. If there was going to be cooperation with the French, then the Americans would of course prefer to deal with de Gaulle directly in order to sell their own weapons. This became abundantly clear in 1962 when the French government placed an order for a heat exchanger for use in a future French nuclear submarine with the British firm Foster Wheeler. Even though this device did not even contain classified information under the Anglo-American nuclear agreement, the British government still preferred to obtain American consent before allowing the sale to go ahead which, however, was not forthcoming during the summer. 39 At that stage Macmillan's Private Secretary and adviser on foreign policy, de Zulueta, already bitterly complained that "there is a marked contrast between the high principles which the Americans express when they are dealing with our interests and the brutal self-interest with which they deal with their own". 40 Then, only one month after the Americans had declared the planned Foster Wheeler sale undesirable, the British heard rumours, later confirmed to Thorneycroft by Messmer, 41 that the US government was itself now offering not a heat exchanger, but complete nuclear hunter submarines of the Nautilus class to the French, and had of course decided to do so without consulting the British government. 42 II Even though during 1961/62 Macmillan continued to flirt with his initial plan for a trilateral nuclear deal in the hope that a fundamental change in the American attitude to de Gaulle might occur, it became progressively clearer after his consultations with Kennedy in Spring 1961 that this preferred option could never form a suitable basis for successful EEC entry negotiations, if only because of de Gaulle's resolute determination to increase French independence from the United States. This still left the obvious alternative strategy to be explored, i.e. the possible pooling of British and French resources in order to develop some kind of common deterrent. Arguably, such an offer, representing a general "reorientation of British security policy towards Europe", was what de Gaulle was waiting for and might have accepted as the British contribution to a package deal over Europe. 43 37. See Macmillan's meeting with Kennedy: PRO PREM 11/3783 (28 April 1962). 38. Accordingly, Kennedy explained to the British ambassador to Washington, Ormsby-Gore, that if his government was to assist the French, "something really spectacular" had to be obtained in return, meaning not just British EEC membership. See Ormsby-Gore to Macmillan: PRO PREM 11/3712 (17 May 1962). 39. Ormsby-Gore to Foreign Office: PRO PREM 11/3712 (11 September 1962). 40. PRO PREM 11/3712 (12 September 1962). 41. Thorneycroft to Macmillan: PRO FO 371/163516/24 (24 October 1962). 42. De Zulueta to Macmillan: PRO PREM 11/3712 (18 October 1962).

The Bomb and Europe 75 Anglo-French consultations during 1961/62 provide ample evidence of the fact that de Gaulle was definitely interested in establishing a bilateral nuclear partnership with the British. In this context the meeting between Macmillan and de Gaulle at Champs in June 1962 now turns out to have been much more important than their subsequent encounter at Rambouillet in December. In April the British Prime Minister had sent up a ballon d'essai. In speaking about the subject of Britain and Europe to the outgoing French ambassador to London, Chauvel, he had suggested that in his opinion "the best solution would be for France and England to reach an understanding with a view to making the nuclear armament". 44 Very shortly afterwards, in a meeting with the new ambassador de Courcel, the former secretary general of the Elysée, he again stressed the need to develop "some political and even defence aspects" for the EEC, and that Britain and France ought "to hold their nuclear power as trustees for Europe". 45 No concrete offer was made, but Macmillan's comments led to a remarkably more forthcoming attitude by de Gaulle at Champs than he admits in his memoirs. During one of the meetings de Gaulle suggested that "an Anglo-French plan agreed with others" could perhaps be developed to form the basis for what he rather loosely described as "a European deterrent". 46 At this stage the French President would not define his ideas more precisely than this. He merely tested the ground, as he had done so often before since 1958, without having any long-term plan. However, the French did subsequently approach the British with a very concrete proposal for bilateral collaboration in the nuclear field. Only one month later, during a meeting with the British Defence Secretary Watkinson, who was then about to be replaced by Thorneycroft, Messmer enquired whether the British would be interested in the joint development of an underwater missile deterrent for the 1970s, a kind of Anglo-French Polaris. The French, having made progress with their national project, would concentrate on the development of the missile system, while the British, who had considerable expertise in this particular field, would construct the nuclear submarine. 47 Such a proposal for bilateral nuclear collaboration could most certainly never have been made without de Gaulle's explicit consent, if not, as seems much more likely, at his own initiative. In fact, this French plan was entirely in line with all of de Gaulle's previous overtures to the Americans and British since 1958 which were primarily aimed at receiving advanced scientific know-how in order to technically and financially facilitate the development of the force de frappe. As de Gaulle's 1962 offer was strictly limited to the joint development of a modern nuclear weapons system, it is difficult to see how this could possibly have been presented as a project for a "European" deterrent. After all, as long as both partners separately retained full control over the scientific know-how involved and over the use of the weapons, the envisaged bilateral cooperation would have left two independent national deterrents intact. It would not in the least have affected the national French nuclear doctrine as explai- 43. W. LOTH, De Gaulle und die europäische Einigung, p. 55. 44. PRO PREM 11/3792 (19 April 1962). 45. PRO PREM 11/3775 (9 May 1962). 46. PRO PREM 11/3712 (3 June 1962). 47. PRO PREM 11/3712 (4 July 1962).

74<br />

Wolfram Kaiser<br />

1962. 37 However, what they were looking for as a suitable quid pro quo from <strong>de</strong><br />

Gaulle was not British EEC membership, but a more constructive French <strong>de</strong>fence<br />

and security policy within NATO. 38<br />

American economic self-interest was another problem. If there was going to be<br />

cooperation with the French, then the Americans would of course prefer to <strong>de</strong>al with<br />

<strong>de</strong> Gaulle directly in or<strong>de</strong>r to sell their own weapons. This became abundantly clear<br />

in 1962 when the French government placed an or<strong>de</strong>r for a heat exchanger for use in<br />

a future French nuclear submarine with the British firm Foster Wheeler. Even though<br />

this <strong>de</strong>vice did not even contain classified information un<strong>de</strong>r the Anglo-American<br />

nuclear agreement, the British government still preferred to obtain American consent<br />

before allowing the sale to go ahead which, however, was not forthcoming during the<br />

summer. 39 At that stage Macmillan's Private Secr<strong>et</strong>ary and adviser on foreign policy,<br />

<strong>de</strong> Zulu<strong>et</strong>a, already bitterly complained that "there is a marked contrast b<strong>et</strong>ween the<br />

high principles which the Americans express when they are <strong>de</strong>aling with our interests<br />

and the brutal self-interest with which they <strong>de</strong>al with their own". 40 Then, only one<br />

month after the Americans had <strong>de</strong>clared the planned Foster Wheeler sale un<strong>de</strong>sirable,<br />

the British heard rumours, later confirmed to Thorneycroft by Messmer, 41 that the US<br />

government was itself now offering not a heat exchanger, but compl<strong>et</strong>e nuclear hunter<br />

submarines of the Nautilus class to the French, and had of course <strong>de</strong>ci<strong>de</strong>d to do so<br />

without consulting the British government. 42<br />

II<br />

Even though during 1961/62 Macmillan continued to flirt with his initial plan for a<br />

trilateral nuclear <strong>de</strong>al in the hope that a fundamental change in the American attitu<strong>de</strong><br />

to <strong>de</strong> Gaulle might occur, it became progressively clearer after his consultations<br />

with Kennedy in Spring 1961 that this preferred option could never form a<br />

suitable basis for successful EEC entry negotiations, if only because of <strong>de</strong> Gaulle's<br />

resolute d<strong>et</strong>ermination to increase French in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce from the United States.<br />

This still left the obvious alternative strategy to be explored, i.e. the possible pooling<br />

of British and French resources in or<strong>de</strong>r to <strong>de</strong>velop some kind of common<br />

d<strong>et</strong>errent. Arguably, such an offer, representing a general "reorientation of British<br />

security policy towards Europe", was what <strong>de</strong> Gaulle was waiting for and might<br />

have accepted as the British contribution to a package <strong>de</strong>al over Europe. 43<br />

37. See Macmillan's me<strong>et</strong>ing with Kennedy: PRO PREM 11/3783 (28 April 1962).<br />

38. Accordingly, Kennedy explained to the British ambassador to Washington, Ormsby-Gore, that if<br />

his government was to assist the French, "som<strong>et</strong>hing really spectacular" had to be obtained in<br />

r<strong>et</strong>urn, meaning not just British EEC membership. See Ormsby-Gore to Macmillan: PRO PREM<br />

11/3712 (17 May 1962).<br />

39. Ormsby-Gore to Foreign Office: PRO PREM 11/3712 (11 September 1962).<br />

40. PRO PREM 11/3712 (12 September 1962).<br />

41. Thorneycroft to Macmillan: PRO FO 371/163516/24 (24 October 1962).<br />

42. De Zulu<strong>et</strong>a to Macmillan: PRO PREM 11/3712 (18 October 1962).

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