number 1 - Centre d'études et de recherches européennes Robert ...
number 1 - Centre d'études et de recherches européennes Robert ... number 1 - Centre d'études et de recherches européennes Robert ...
56 Elena Calandri Once again, the more outspoken opposition came from Beyen. Having no hope of attracting the British into a supranational system by slowing the integration process and fearing that removal of the clauses granting Britain special status would jeopardize the freshly established bonds between Britain and the Six he questioned the core of Mendès France's project, id est the attempt to turn the inter-governmental cooperation of the Brussels Pact into more binding integration. He also criticized the project on political and economic grounds. The provisional period appeared to him unnecessarily to duplicate NATO functions and revived his old suspicions about French ambitions to develop a European structure that would rival NATO. Since Dutch heavy industry was working to a great extent for the Defence Ministry it risked having its hands tied. Furthermore, Dutch commercial partners such as Sweden and Switzerland would remain outside the Six. 62 British attitudes confirmed Dutch worries. Although the press praised the French initiative and René Massigli was able to write to the Quai d'Orsay that the Defence Minister, Harold Macmillan, and Sir Ivone Kirkpatrick, Permanent Undersecretary at the Foreign Office, had assured him that the plan was being carefully examined 63 Whitehall characterized it as "irrealistic and unpractical" and did not waste time in burying it. Nevertheless, the British shared the common concern that its abrupt dismissal might affect ratification of the Paris Agreement by the French Conseil de la République. Thus, as early as 10 January, they focused on working out a formula to "kill it with kindness". As an American diplomat reported to the State Department, "(...)(the) Foreign Office considers timing of any such recommendation (to be a) critical factor. It should be proposed after it becomes clear to arms pool working group members (including, it is hoped, French) that French proposals are unworkable, but before (the) negotiations have dragged on so long that French public believes they have actually failed". 64 The American administration had kept a low official profile throughout the affair. Mendès France's policies in the summer of 1954 had sown deep and lasting distrust in the mind of John Foster Dulles, who blamed Mendès France for the EDC defeat and for exciting deep-rooted French neutralism. In the tense atmosphere at the London and Paris conferences the United States had interpreted the French plan as merely an attempt to delay settlement of the crisis and to maintain controls on German rearmament. In London Dulles, who shared Erhard's mistrust of the somewhat "New Deal" aspects of the pool proposal, had severely criticized it for discriminating against Germany. 65 He also coldly rejected French requests for 62. NA, RG 59, 3113, 740.5/1-755, tel. Matthews (The Hague), n.981, January 7, 1955, secret; on Dutch attitude from September 1954 to June 1955 in A.G. HARRYVAN and A.E. KERSTEN, "The Netherlands, Benelux and the Relance Européenne 1954-1955", in E. SERRA (ed.), Il rilancio, pp. 125-157. 63. AMRE, série Papiers d'agents, 217 René Massigli, 80, tel. R. Massigli, no. 122-123, 11 January 1955 and no.139-141, 12 January 1955; R. MASSIGLI, Comédie, p. 492. 64. NA, RG 59, 3113, 740.5/1-1055, tel. Butterworth (London), no. 3030, January 10, 1955, secret.
The Western European Union Armaments Pool 57 channelling American aid through the Brussels Pact. In Paris, Dulles vaguely agreed to a cover up. The Armaments Control Agency was to receive information regarding the levels of United States "end items aid" in connection with its function of controlling arms stocks, while any further question of distribution or channelling of aid would be deferred to the Paris conference in January. 66 In the wake of the French note of 3 January American diplomacy stuck to the position adopted after the EDC defeat, namely, that European institutions and their powers should be exclusively in the hands of the Europeans themselves. On these grounds the State Department turned down moderate French requests for "lobbying" the Armaments Pool 67 and did not send representatives to the Paris Conference. Reality, however, was slightly different. All the European governments anxiously inquired about the American position and kept the State Department constantly informed. Dulles was aware of European reservations regarding the French project and shared many of the worries of those in Europe who opposed it. So although the EDC experience restrained Dulles from openly taking part, Washington's diplomacy was able to inspire "sabotage" of the Pool. In the guidelines sent to the Paris Embassy before the opening of the conference, the State Department deprecated the duplication of NATO functions in the provisional period and doubted whether France's partners could accept the permanent regime. Washington encouraged Erhard's free trade concepts rather than the suspect French dirigism but the State Department cautioned the European governments to avoid an open break at the Conference. As a way out, it suggested either revising the French proposal by eliminating the objectionable features of the first stage and virtually abolishing the second one, or supporting the British plan for absorbing European standardization and coordinating production in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 68 Moving forward – The WEU Working Group's Paris Conference Although the fate of the Armaments Pool appeared gloomy even before the opening of the conference, on 17 January the NATO deputies of WEU members met at the Palais de Chaillot. A few days before the start of the conference Mendès 65. Foreign Relations of the United States, Washington, US Government Printing Office (hereafter FRUS),1952-1954, vol. V, pp. 1378-1384; for Foster Dulles attitude see P. MELANDRI, "Les difficiles relations franco-américaines" in F. BEDARIDA, J.P. RIOUX, Mendès France, pp. 261- 278:273. 66. NA, RG 59, 3114, tel. Hughes (Paris), no. POLTO 1355, January 19, 1955, secret. 67. DDF, 1955, doc. no. 22, tel. de Juniac (Washington) to Mendès France, no.234 à 250, January 11,1955, secrét, réservé, pp. 57-60; NA, RG 59, box 3114, 740.5/1-1855, J.F. Dulles to US Embassy, Paris, no. 2557, 18, 1955, secret, asked to inform de Juniac of US intention to leave the question to the European governments. 68. NA, RG 59, 3114, 740.5/1-1555 CSHJ, tel. Murphy to US Embassy, Paris, no. TOPOL 995, January 15, 1955, secret.
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The Western European Union Armaments Pool 57<br />
channelling American aid through the Brussels Pact. In Paris, Dulles vaguely<br />
agreed to a cover up.<br />
The Armaments Control Agency was to receive information regarding the<br />
levels of United States "end items aid" in connection with its function of controlling<br />
arms stocks, while any further question of distribution or channelling of aid<br />
would be <strong>de</strong>ferred to the Paris conference in January. 66<br />
In the wake of the French note of 3 January American diplomacy stuck to the<br />
position adopted after the EDC <strong>de</strong>feat, namely, that European institutions and their<br />
powers should be exclusively in the hands of the Europeans themselves. On these<br />
grounds the State Department turned down mo<strong>de</strong>rate French requests for "lobbying"<br />
the Armaments Pool 67 and did not send representatives to the Paris Conference.<br />
Reality, however, was slightly different. All the European governments<br />
anxiously inquired about the American position and kept the State Department constantly<br />
informed. Dulles was aware of European reservations regarding the French<br />
project and shared many of the worries of those in Europe who opposed it. So although<br />
the EDC experience restrained Dulles from openly taking part, Washington's<br />
diplomacy was able to inspire "sabotage" of the Pool. In the gui<strong>de</strong>lines sent to the<br />
Paris Embassy before the opening of the conference, the State Department <strong>de</strong>precated<br />
the duplication of NATO functions in the provisional period and doubted<br />
wh<strong>et</strong>her France's partners could accept the permanent regime. Washington encouraged<br />
Erhard's free tra<strong>de</strong> concepts rather than the suspect French dirigism but the<br />
State Department cautioned the European governments to avoid an open break at<br />
the Conference. As a way out, it suggested either revising the French proposal by<br />
eliminating the objectionable features of the first stage and virtually abolishing the<br />
second one, or supporting the British plan for absorbing European standardization<br />
and coordinating production in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 68<br />
Moving forward – The WEU Working Group's Paris Conference<br />
Although the fate of the Armaments Pool appeared gloomy even before the<br />
opening of the conference, on 17 January the NATO <strong>de</strong>puties of WEU members<br />
m<strong>et</strong> at the Palais <strong>de</strong> Chaillot. A few days before the start of the conference Mendès<br />
65. Foreign Relations of the United States, Washington, US Government Printing Office (hereafter<br />
FRUS),1952-1954, vol. V, pp. 1378-1384; for Foster Dulles attitu<strong>de</strong> see P. MELANDRI, "Les difficiles<br />
relations franco-américaines" in F. BEDARIDA, J.P. RIOUX, Mendès France, pp. 261-<br />
278:273.<br />
66. NA, RG 59, 3114, tel. Hughes (Paris), no. POLTO 1355, January 19, 1955, secr<strong>et</strong>.<br />
67. DDF, 1955, doc. no. 22, tel. <strong>de</strong> Juniac (Washington) to Mendès France, no.234 à 250, January<br />
11,1955, secrét, réservé, pp. 57-60; NA, RG 59, box 3114, 740.5/1-1855, J.F. Dulles to US<br />
Embassy, Paris, no. 2557, 18, 1955, secr<strong>et</strong>, asked to inform <strong>de</strong> Juniac of US intention to leave the<br />
question to the European governments.<br />
68. NA, RG 59, 3114, 740.5/1-1555 CSHJ, tel. Murphy to US Embassy, Paris, no. TOPOL 995,<br />
January 15, 1955, secr<strong>et</strong>.