number 1 - Centre d'études et de recherches européennes Robert ...

54
Elena Calandri
ans was to perform the first task while an Armaments Production Committee was to
establish programmes and place orders for the materials approved by the Standardization
Committee. From 1 January 1957 onwards the permanent regime was to
come into effect automatically and the Pool
"(...)aurait à établir pour tous les pays membres des programmes d'ensemble de production
coordonnée d'armements en s'efforçant de pousser la standardisation aussi
loin que possible, et elle définirait les plans d'investissements correspondant aux fabrications
à exécuter. D'autre part elle assurerait l'exécution des programmes soit
directement en passant elle-même les commandes pour le compte des Gouvernements,
soit en autorisant les commandes passées par les Gouvernements."
Under the definitive regime, both the WEU Council of Ministers and the Permanent
Committee – which would have meanwhile replaced the two committees of
the provisional period – were to reach decisions on the basis of a two thirds majority,
except on standardization, where unanimity would be required. Decisions
would be binding on all members and production programmes would be extended
to cover all production for the forces assigned to NATO. But the Pool would review
only production for non-NATO national forces and for export. Finally, the French
aired an even more far-reaching hypothesis to the effect that the permanent committee
of national representatives and the director could both be replaced by an
independent board of commissioners, appointed by the Council of Ministers reaching
its decisions by simple majority. 55
The draft did not drop any of the aims outlined in London, the only change
being insertion of the provisional regime which delayed implementation until
January 1957. The return to a supranational scheme could be explained as a
response to Benelux criticism of the ambiguous nature of the Pool, as well as a concession
to pro-European opinion. But it is hard to believe that the French government
thought this suggestion would be accepted, especially as it was putting
forward a supranational concept while eliminating the special status which the
London draft accorded to Britain. At the same time, the clauses concerning production
for non-NATO-forces and for export barely concealed the aim of protecting
France's special status.
In the fortnight before the meeting of the working group diplomatic activity
flourished. The Italian government was alone in applauding the French draft.
As an official of the Italian Foreign Ministry explained to an American colleague,
Rome felt virtually compelled to support any initiative that would foster European
integration. 56 In fact, Italy's position was developing along lines set out in
advance. During Mendès France's visit to Rome from 10 to 13 January President
Scelba and Foreign Minister Martino approached the broad question of Italy's place
in Europe and sought guarantees regarding her association with Franco-German
undertakings. Finally, they confirmed their reservations to the effect that the pool
arrangement should not take away from Italy any production which might other-
55. DDF, 1955, Annexes, Mémorandum du Gouvernement français sur la standardisation et la production
des armements, pp. 243-251.
56. NA, RG 59, 3113, Memorandum of Conversation, January 11, 1955.