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44<br />

Elena Calandri<br />

ABC weapons and the heavy weapons listed in Annex 2, Article 107 of the Paris<br />

Treaty, was going on in strategically exposed regions, the Council would direct and<br />

control the manufacture of all other armaments, namely, Category B.<br />

On 20 September the plan was outlined in Strasbourg before the Council of<br />

Europe Assembly at which Winston Churchill had first mooted the i<strong>de</strong>a of a European<br />

army in August 1950. In a cold atmosphere, Mendès France explained the<br />

French Assembly's vote as a con<strong>de</strong>mnation of the far-reaching supranational implications<br />

of the Paris Treaty and of Britain's ina<strong>de</strong>quate involvement in the Continent's<br />

security. However, he argued, a r<strong>et</strong>urn to the Brussels Pact pure and simple<br />

would not suffice, for its inter-governmental character would frustrate the need for<br />

closer cooperation among the Western European nations. He suggested, therefore,<br />

the admission of Italy and Germany to the five-power alliance, the spirit of which<br />

France wanted to revive by injecting into it a dose of supranationality. The day<br />

before Pierre-Olivier Lapie had been explaining to <strong>de</strong>legates how supranationality<br />

was to be applied to armaments. 22<br />

One week later the foreign ministers of the Six, of Britain, the United States and<br />

Canada m<strong>et</strong> in London. All the ministers summoned to Lancaster House agreed to<br />

s<strong>et</strong> limits on Germany's rearmament and to establish ways and means of putting to<br />

the test her commitment to abstain from the manufacture of certain types of armaments<br />

as well as the <strong>de</strong>sirability of supervising weapons stockpiles across the Continent<br />

of Europe. The British as well as the German memoranda to the conference,<br />

r<strong>et</strong>ained the EDC Treaty provisions concerning the manufacture of ABC weapons<br />

in strategically exposed areas. 23<br />

Mendès France, however, went much further. He claimed continuity with the<br />

Treaty of Paris, also as regards the role assigned to the armaments issue. In his<br />

opening statement on 28 September he <strong>de</strong>clared that he would consent only to a<br />

package that inclu<strong>de</strong>d the means of controlling German rearmament, s<strong>et</strong>tlement of<br />

the Saar question and an Anglo-American commitment to maintain a military presence<br />

in Europe until expiry of the Brussels Pact. The rationale behind Germany's<br />

dual admission to NATO and the WEU found its fullest application in the field of<br />

armaments as Mendès France explained :<br />

"(...) notre effort pour établir une limitation <strong>et</strong> un contrôle <strong>de</strong>s armements ne peut pas<br />

trouver son implantation exclusivement dans le NATO, puisque le NATO a pour<br />

obj<strong>et</strong> fondamental <strong>de</strong> chercher à organiser une meilleure défense commune à l'Occi<strong>de</strong>nt<br />

<strong>et</strong> que pour réaliser ce but le NATO (...) cherche systématiquement à établir <strong>de</strong>s<br />

forces <strong>de</strong> plus en plus larges (...)".<br />

To be effective, controls should apply not only to armaments in stock but in production<br />

as well. A general rule would thus put the entire Continent's production<br />

un<strong>de</strong>r the control of the agency, which would be the sole client for continental<br />

industry, the only exception being production for export and for national forces not<br />

committed to NATO. The distribution of American aid would rank among the<br />

22. L'année politique, 1954, pp. 437-439.<br />

23. PRO: FO 1086/180, N.P.C.(54) 2 and N.P.C.(54) 3.

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