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38<br />

Elena Calandri<br />

Above all though from 1950 onwards, while France struggled un<strong>de</strong>r the bur<strong>de</strong>n of<br />

the Indo-China war, West Germany's economic performance and international status<br />

improved dramatically so, besi<strong>de</strong>s repugnance towards the partial watering<br />

down of the French army into the "mélange apatri<strong>de</strong>" <strong>de</strong>nounced by General <strong>de</strong><br />

Gaulle, economic opposition to the EDC evolved also from the belief that it would<br />

be the precursor to a common mark<strong>et</strong> and that this "would merely lead to German<br />

industrial domination whilst France reverted to agriculture with the help of a flood<br />

of surplus Italian and Dutch labour". 3 All these arguments came to a head with the<br />

painful disengagement that culminated on 30 August 1954 with the French Assembly<br />

rejecting the Paris Treaty.<br />

The way out of the crisis was to be found in Germany's dual admission to<br />

NATO and a revamped Brussels Pact, to be renamed the Western European Union<br />

(WEU). Working out this s<strong>et</strong>tlement, secured a place in history for Anthony E<strong>de</strong>n,<br />

the British foreign secr<strong>et</strong>ary, who committed British troops to the <strong>de</strong>fence of the<br />

Continent while shrewdly driving France to compromise. 4 However, since the failure<br />

of the EDC had been due to psychological, economic and political reasons<br />

allied to complex changes, the Paris Agreements were not just a brilliant diplomatic<br />

s<strong>et</strong>tlement but <strong>de</strong>eply influenced also the political and economic history of Western<br />

Europe. It is from this viewpoint that all the comp<strong>et</strong>ing plans, aborted proposals,<br />

parallel political and economic initiatives need also to be taken into account. The<br />

French government's initiative for an Armaments Agency and for the pooling of the<br />

whole of the Continent's arms production fell into all three categories. It <strong>de</strong>serves<br />

attention and <strong>de</strong>eper analysis than has been given to it thus far.<br />

Searching for new Directions, Armaments and France's German Policy<br />

In their efforts to <strong>de</strong>ny Germany the means for military and political dominance in<br />

Europe, French governments consi<strong>de</strong>red armaments to be a key issue. Limiting and<br />

controlling armaments had been an essential task for the EDC During the Paris<br />

negotiations the Armaments Committee had worked out a comprehensive system<br />

whereby Member States would lose their freedom to manufacture strategic materials.<br />

Instead powers were granted to a Board of Commissioners, assisted by a Consultative<br />

Committee, to prepare and execute joint programmes for armaments,<br />

equipment, supplies and the infrastructure for European forces, granting the Member<br />

States permits for producing weapons for non-NATO national forces and for<br />

3. Public Record Office, Kew (hereafter PRO): FO 371/112794 WF1103/12, O. Harvey (Paris) no.82<br />

(E), 26 February 1954, thoroughly analyses the economic roots of "the very noticeable waning of<br />

French enthusiasm for European integration schemes in recent months"; on the military attitu<strong>de</strong><br />

toward the EDC see especially P. GUILLEN, "La France <strong>et</strong> l'intégration <strong>de</strong> la RFA dans l'OTAN",<br />

Guerres Mondiales <strong>et</strong> conflits contemporains, Jul. 1990, 73-9.<br />

4. S. DOCKRILL, Britain's Policy for West German Rearmament, 1950-1955, Cambridge 1991; two<br />

essays of John W. Young in J.W. YOUNG (ed.), The Foreign Policy of Churchill's Peac<strong>et</strong>ime Administration<br />

1951-1955, Leicester 1988.

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