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2 Introductory note – Introduction – Einführung Editorial notice Articles for inclusion in this journal may be submitted at any time. The editorial board will then arrange for the article to be refereed. Articles should not be longer than 6000 words, footnotes included. They may be in English, French or German. Articles submitted to the Journal should be original contributions and not be submitted to any other publication at the same time as to the Journal of European Integration History. Authors should retain a copy of their article. The publisher and editors cannot accept responsibility for loss of or damage to author’s typescripts or discs. The accuracy of, and views expressed in articles and reviews are the sole responsibility of the authors. Authors should ensure that typescripts conform with the journal style. Prospective contributors should obtain further guidelines from the Editorial Secretariat. Articles, reviews, communications relating to articles and books for review should be sent to the Editorial Secretariat. Citation The Journal of European Integration History may be cited as follows: JEIH, (Year)/(Number), (Page). ISSN 0947-9511 © 1995 NOMOS Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden and the Groupe de liaison des professeurs d’histoire contemporaine auprès de la Commission européenne. Printed in Germany. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of the publishers.
Introductory note – Introduction – Einführung 3 Introductory words Gilbert Trausch From the immediate postwar years up to the present controversies on the forthcoming intergovernmental conference (1996), now and then already called Maastricht II, the debates on Europe are moving within the frame of two extremes: a model of integration and a model of close intergovernmental collaboration. In between, there is room for a whole range of intermediate solutions, on which discussions actually are focussing, as most observers agree that the possibility to apply the rules of a federal State as well as the return to a mere collaboration are to be considered out of reach. The discussions are still marked by the vagueness that characterizes the terminology and the ambiguities caused by their translation from one language to another. Common words as ”federal” or ”integration” don’t have exactly the same meaning in French and in English. One may wonder, whether all those, who like Winston Churchill (1946) or Jean Monnet (1955), have used the phrase ”the United States of Europe”, always have been aware of the implications that this kind of expression involves in the matter of the organization of Europe. It is the concept of supranationality, that has been at the heart of the discussions of the last 50 years. From the start (1950), and again since Maastricht (1991), this has been the touchstone on which minds are parting. Well-defined in theory, the lines of cleavage are much less so in practice, especially in the statements of politicians anxious to rally voters. The years covering the period from the Schuman Plan to the Treaties of Rome, considered the lucky age of European integration, are often opposed to the long period of stagnation that are the sixties and seventies. A European relaunching looms up in the second half of the 80ies, but given the events of 1989-1991, it may not last. Actually, in a deliberately provocative manner, one may think that the concept of a supranational Europe begins to decline in the days following Robert Schuman’s declaration on May 9th, 1950. As a matter of fact, as soon as the general principles elaborated by Jean Monnet are to be put in practice, vigorous national interests emerge, agreeing that transfers of sovereignty shall be reduced to the strict minimum. If nevertheless the Community hasn’t foundered and even could progress, this is due to the same emerging national interests that, to different degrees, saw the possibility to profit from well-aimed transfers of sovereignty. Historians are discussing interminably the reasons that urged the different States to join the Community and, once entered, to stay there. The discussions on the pre-eminence of the economic or the political factor have not always been very fruitful. If the European Community was constituted on an economic basis, this fact does absolutely not exclude the intervention, right from the beginning, of political factors. According to the good historic method, the reasons, even economic ones, underlying the European process, cannot be postulated, but are to be determined at every stage of the European process, without prejudices. Economic cal-
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