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American Monn<strong>et</strong>ism and the European Coal-Steel Community in the Fifties 29<br />

army had brought on, he warned "(...) a crisis of almost terrifying proportions." 25<br />

Even Monn<strong>et</strong> was, at least for the moment, nonplussed. Although confiding to<br />

Bruce on 31 August that he would resign from the High Authority in consequence<br />

of the EDC rejection, he changed his mind two days later because the scheme was<br />

not "<strong>de</strong>ad but only woun<strong>de</strong>d" and could be "bandaged up for the next campaign." 26<br />

The rejection of the EDC treaty had astonishingly few consequences. Within<br />

two months Britain, France, and the United States had agreed to adopt the NATO<br />

alternative to German rearmament. 27 Y<strong>et</strong> never again could European integration<br />

be equated with Monn<strong>et</strong>'s version of supranationalism. In November Monn<strong>et</strong> resigned<br />

without prior warning as Presi<strong>de</strong>nt of the High Authority, then rescin<strong>de</strong>d the offer<br />

and finally had to be forced out of office in June 1955. The official explanation<br />

given for his abrupt <strong>de</strong>cision to step down was disappointment at the failure of the<br />

EDC. He may also have been influenced by the less spectacular, and only slightly<br />

less ambiguous, failure of the Coal and Steel Community.<br />

The American Loan<br />

The CSC ten<strong>de</strong>d to be overlooked in the drama that unfol<strong>de</strong>d around the EDC. This<br />

result may not have been uninten<strong>de</strong>d. In Luxembourg things were a mess. At the<br />

root of the problem was Monn<strong>et</strong>'s refusal to ce<strong>de</strong> any authority to, or share influence<br />

with, others. In r<strong>et</strong>aliation the producers therefore quite simply sabotaged his<br />

work. The much touted openings of the common mark<strong>et</strong>s for coal and steel in<br />

Spring 1953 had negligible effect. Everywhere output of the combustible continued<br />

to be regulated by quasi-official national cartels. Faced with the prospect of comp<strong>et</strong>ition,<br />

the steel industry tightened informal alliances and even openly formed a new<br />

International Steel Cartel to regulate exports. Although the High Authority issued<br />

flurry of regulations governing price, mark<strong>et</strong>ing, investment, and so on, their only<br />

real function was to conceal its impotence in masses of verbiage. 28<br />

The only really important issue in the relationship b<strong>et</strong>ween Washington and the<br />

CSC was money: How much would be given in aid and for which purposes? A<br />

<strong>de</strong>cision to provi<strong>de</strong> it, based simply on the notion that "some <strong>de</strong>gree of financial<br />

power will be essential to the Schuman Plan", 29 antedated the actual existence of<br />

the organization, som<strong>et</strong>hing that caused at least one official, Miriam Camp, to warn<br />

on 18 July 1952 that "No case has y<strong>et</strong> been ma<strong>de</strong> out, either by the MSA (Mutual<br />

Security Administration) or by the Schuman Plan countries, as to why dollar assis-<br />

25. T. HOOPES, p. 246.<br />

26. K.E. BRUCE Diaries, 2 September 1954.<br />

27. J. GILLINGHAM, "David K.E.Bruce," pp. 8-49.<br />

28. J. GILLINGHAM, Coal, Steel, and the Rebirth of Europe, pp. 332-348.<br />

29. a. FRUS 1952-1954/VI "Memorandum of the Acting Director of the European Regional Staff,<br />

Mutual Security Agency (Hulley) to the Assistant Director for Europe, Mutual Security Director<br />

(Cleveland)", 21 July 1952; ibid "The Assistant Director for Supply of the Mutual Security Agency<br />

(Fitz Gerald) to the Office of United States Special Representative in Europe," 2 August 1952.

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