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26 John Gillingham paid for respectability gained by participation in the Schuman Plan, as written into the Treaty of Paris, was the continuation of occupation controls over heavy industry until the High Authority deemed them no longer necessary. 14 The CSC and the European Defence Community The CSC did not begin operations in Luxembourg until late-August 1952, by which time its importance in American policy had been overshadowed by planning for the European Defence Community (EDC), which paralleled the build up of NATO decreed after the outbreak of the war in Korea. The Euro-army had a preeminently political purpose, to make West German rearmament palatable to France and the rest of Europe. One need not dwell on the obvious military shortcomings of a combat unit in which companies in the same battalion (or "battle group") could not have communicated in the same language. The main point is that the polyglot force was never intended to exercise operational independence but to remain under NATO command and be firmly embedded in its organizational structure. The alternative, which remained alive as an option, would have allowed West Germans to form nationally homogenous units but only within the NATO framework. In any case, well before the big Korean build up had been completed, the United States, and therefore NATO too, shifted to a strategy of massive retaliation in which ground forces served merely as unwitting tripwires. 15 The diplomacy surrounding the European Defence Community had less to do with how war should be waged than how the peace should be secured. The United States bore the bulk of the costs for the massive post-Korea rearmament in Europe because, quite simply, its NATO allies lacked the wherewithal to pay for their share of it. In the twelve months after the outbreak of hostilities, the European NATO allies doubled defense expenditure from four and a half billion dollars to nine billion dollars. At this point, American aid entered the picture. In the not uncharacteristic case of France it equalled about half of total defense expenditure or about onequarter of the national budget in the years 1951-1954. He who controlled the aid tapline, it was obvious, could make or break governments, set the pace of rearmament – in West Germany, for example – and guide economic development. 16 The so-called Commissariat, inspired by Monnet, was at the very heart of the EDC proposal. "More than a defense ministry," according to a West German military historian, "it [resembled] a European government with four ministries, with the military commissariat being like a ministry of defense." He adds that "the contractually guaranteed independence of the commissioners from their governments, 14. J. GILLINGHAM, Coal, Steel and the Rebirth of Europe, pp. 266-283. 15. Msrc Trachtenberg, "The Nuclearization of NATO and U.S.-European Relations" in F.H. HELLER and J. GILLINGHAM (eds.), NATO: The Founding of the Atlantic Alliance and the Integration of Europe, New York 1992, pp. 413-431. 16. M. M. HARRISON, The Reluctant Ally: France and Atlantic Security, Baltimore 1981, p. 33.
American Monnetism and the European Coal-Steel Community in the Fifties 27 the huge [planned] budgets, and the immense defence administration which practically nullified national boundaries(...)would surely have given the Commissariat immense powers". 17 The most important of them, under the EDC treaty, was to have been over a budget that the Commissariat could set and to which it could compel member nations to contribute. American aid administrators, troubled by immense wastage, welcomed the vast concentration of power. It would, wrote one of them, "enable the EDC procurement services to establish a large, completely centralized procurement programme during the first year of its existence." 18 Another official proposed paying all aid monies into a European Production Fund that would "combine elements of the programs previously administered separately as offshore procurement and defence support(...)". 19 The Commissariat, as planned, needed to be put under some form of political control, or so argued the French socialists whose support was required for ratification of the EDC treaty, which was initialled by the foreign ministers of The Six on 27 May 1952. The document itself made provision for a Council of Ministers similar though not necessarily identical – the matter was left deliberately ambiguous – to the body that supervised operations at the High Authority. In addition, there was to be a popularly elected Assembly, once again, either similar to or identical with that of the CSC. To deal with these and still more weighty issues arising from the EDC proposal, discussions began in September 1952 on the subject of a European Political Community (EPC). The talks, which were to continue for a year, are memorable mainly because they gave the Dutch the first opportunity to air fresh plans for a customs union. Although viewed by American observers as an unwelcome diversion, the discussions would lead to the creation of the European Economic Community five years later. In its final, though never ratified, version, the EPC treaty called for combining the EDC, the CSC and future sectoral and supranational institutions into a federal European union. 20 Under the Truman administration, integration policy was informally coordinated and non-Monnetist views could be mooted. Secretary of State Acheson, though an acquaintance of Monnet, was no acolyte of his and on matters European, listened respectfully to Averell Harriman, William Draper, and others of pronounced and independent outlook. In early 1952 Acheson in fact recalled Ambassador David Bruce from the Paris Embassy on the grounds of his extreme integrationism. During his exile in Washington as Undersecretary of State without portfolio, Bruce continued to promote supranationalism but William Tomlinson of the Treasury 17. W. MAIER-DORNBERG, "Die Planung des Verteidigungsbeitrages der Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Rahmen der EVG", in Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt (ed.) Anfänge westdeutscher Sicherheitspolitik 1945-1955 (Bd 2), Munich 1990, p. 717. 18. United States National Archives (USNA) RG 469, Box 15 "Aid to EDC", "Draft Statement for Mr. Wood", 5 February 1952. 19. USNA RG 469 Box 15, "US Program for European Defense Production in FY 1954", 5 November 1954. 20. J. GILLINGHAM, "David K.E. Bruce and the European Defense Community Debacle", (manuscript), p. 33-36.; also USNA RG 84 "EDC and Related Organizations, 1951-1966" Box 9 EPS: General.
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