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144<br />

Book reviews – Comptes rendus – Buchbesprechungen<br />

Y<strong>et</strong> whilst historical analysis reveals much about the true origins of integration, the d<strong>et</strong>ailed<br />

empirical style employed ruins the book for me. History is not simply about providing information,<br />

y<strong>et</strong> this is what the empirical chapters do, with the result that they are far too <strong>de</strong>nse and<br />

impen<strong>et</strong>rable. No indication is given at the beginning of each of these chapters as to how their<br />

individual arguments are put tog<strong>et</strong>her, or in<strong>de</strong>ed as to what they are. Even given the laying-out<br />

of the overall argument in Chapter One, it remains difficult to piece tog<strong>et</strong>her the threads of that<br />

argument in the empirical material that follows. In many instances, d<strong>et</strong>ail is provi<strong>de</strong>d apparently<br />

for its own sake, a mistake not uncommon in stu<strong>de</strong>nt theses, but one which has no place<br />

in a published work. Who really cares, for instance, that Pleven was a keen angler? This is<br />

especially disappointing given Milward's expressed wish to put an end to the falsehoods perp<strong>et</strong>rated<br />

about integration in the public domain: even specialists will struggle to read this book,<br />

and it is a pity that the author's Herculean efforts in carrying out his research are spoiled by his<br />

failure to make his empirical case in a comprehensible and, above all, interesting way. Chapters<br />

two, four, five and seven confuse and bore as much as they clarify. All this stands in stark<br />

contrast to the clarity of the persuasively presented argument in the more "theor<strong>et</strong>ical"<br />

sections. It is ironic that although he claims historical research conquers theor<strong>et</strong>ical myths (p.<br />

18), within the European Rescue theory triumphs over history.<br />

The weaknesses of the book, however, are not merely stylistic, these being symptomatic<br />

of more <strong>de</strong>ep-seated problems. Whilst it is un<strong>de</strong>niable that the d<strong>et</strong>ailed negotiations, leading<br />

to the first institutional expression of integration, were economic and social in character, it<br />

must surely also be the case that diplomatic and political consi<strong>de</strong>rations of a wi<strong>de</strong>r nature<br />

also played their part. Milward, somewhat disingenuously, concentrates on small countries<br />

such as the N<strong>et</strong>herlands and Belgium in much of his analysis, countries which had no hope<br />

of <strong>de</strong>fending themselves, and for whom military security was an issue that had to be left to<br />

others (hence the Dutch, for instance, could concentrate on notions of economic security).<br />

Y<strong>et</strong>, West European statesmen were more at liberty to discuss the finer d<strong>et</strong>ails of economic<br />

and social issues precisely because the central issue of the time -guaranteeing security<br />

against possible Sovi<strong>et</strong> aggression – had been taken care of by the Americans. This explains<br />

the ability of states such as France (which were, after all, obsessed by military security), to<br />

participate in integration. The importance of the broa<strong>de</strong>r foreign policy and security <strong>de</strong>bate,<br />

relative to questions of pure economics, is hinted at in the Chapter on Britain, when Milward<br />

states, that sections of the British government complained that broad foreign priorities<br />

were taking prece<strong>de</strong>nce over consi<strong>de</strong>rations of future economic welfare in <strong>de</strong>fining policy<br />

towards Germany (p. 403). Y<strong>et</strong>, this is a minor concession: one finds within his in<strong>de</strong>x not a<br />

single mention of neither the Cold War nor the Sovi<strong>et</strong> Union. This weakness (one which is<br />

all the more surprising given the author's relative sensitivity to the importance of political<br />

and military questions in The Reconstruction of Western Europe) exposes the limitations of<br />

Milward's incipient economic d<strong>et</strong>erminism.<br />

Turning finally to the central argument of the book, that integration was an integral part of<br />

the "rescue" of the West European nation-state, there is much to commend this claim. Y<strong>et</strong>, two<br />

major reservations can be advanced. First, the argument is not as original as Milward seems to<br />

think. Stanley Hoffmann, writing in 1982 (in<strong>de</strong>ed, in an article that Milward refers to in another<br />

context), had already ma<strong>de</strong> this very assertion, and thereby helped to redirect the attention<br />

of serious scholars of integration away from the "integration versus sovereignty" <strong>de</strong>bate.<br />

Second, it seems paradoxical, at the very least, to assert, on the one hand, that the nationstate<br />

was successfully "rescued" whilst, on the other hand, admitting that "irreversible"<br />

commitments based on "enforceable" law were entered into by those same states (p. 439).<br />

The book does provi<strong>de</strong> evi<strong>de</strong>nce that the internal autonomy of the nation-state was enhanced<br />

by the integration process, allowing national governments to impose <strong>de</strong>cisions on<br />

powerful national interests which otherwise would have proved costly to make. In external<br />

terms, however, nothing of the sort occurred. The nation-state lost the capacity to act alone

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