General Assembly - UN Documents
General Assembly - UN Documents
General Assembly - UN Documents
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A/CONF.216/PC/7<br />
and consumption systems that are compatible with sustainable development, through<br />
transitions sensitive to the developmental needs of each country. Poverty eradication<br />
and enhancement of the livelihoods of the most vulnerable deserve priority in<br />
measures promoting a green economy transition.<br />
43. The implications of a green economy for poverty eradication and livelihoods<br />
can be analysed at different levels. At a first level, shifts in the average growth rates<br />
of individual economies could have implications for the ability of these economies<br />
to reduce poverty and improve social outcomes. At a second level, changes in the<br />
structure of national economies could affect employment opportunities and<br />
requirements, with different national capacities to deal with any adverse impacts. At<br />
a third level, specific green economy policies could, through the creation of<br />
sustainable livelihoods, additional jobs and other effects, increase the capacity of<br />
countries to translate growth into poverty reduction and other beneficial social<br />
outcomes.<br />
Possible social effects of shifts in growth rates<br />
44. A shift to a green economy might imply lower average growth for some<br />
countries or groups of countries, with the risk that poverty outcomes will worsen. To<br />
avoid this, the poverty reduction associated with a given growth rate would need to<br />
increase. Distributive policies could also help to ameliorate the adverse effects of<br />
slower growth on the poor. Ideally, if economies are sufficiently flexible, they<br />
would shift towards new growth drivers with strong poverty-reducing effects.<br />
45. In addition to growth, the differences observed in the successes of individual<br />
countries in reducing poverty seem to be largely linked to social policies and<br />
institutional factors such as the distribution of productive assets. These can have<br />
long-term effects. For example, investments in basic education have proven to<br />
generate a poverty-alleviation and growth dividend many years after the initial<br />
investments are made.<br />
46. There are structural differences among countries, even at similar levels of<br />
income, that affect the scope for national redistributive policies, including the shape<br />
of the national income distribution and the institutional and administrative capacity<br />
to collect taxes and make equity-enhancing income transfers.<br />
47. Countries also vary in the way the poor are affected by changes in prices that<br />
might result from policies aimed at “getting prices right”. The prices of food<br />
commodities have a particular importance for food security and poverty. If green<br />
economy policies for agriculture were to result even transitionally in higher food<br />
prices, this would be of particular concern to those low-income households and<br />
countries that are net food buyers.<br />
48. At the level of national economies, the quantitative relationships between<br />
growth and poverty reduction exhibit a broad range of variation. There clearly exists<br />
no simple, one-size-fits-all strategy for poverty reduction. Green economy strategies<br />
that work best will be adapted to national contexts and yield a high income elasticity<br />
of poverty reduction.<br />
Possible poverty effects of structural changes<br />
49. Much discussion about the potential for green job creation was heard in<br />
relation to the green stimulus packages of Governments following the financial<br />
10-70657<br />
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