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Erbil: The host city of sports t ournaments - Kurdish Globe

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<strong>The</strong> <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 276, Saturday, October 09, 2010 2<br />

Breaking up or democratic pluralism<br />

<strong>Globe</strong> Editorial<br />

Following the inconclusive rese<br />

sults <strong>of</strong> Iraqi general election<br />

in March this year, the formate<br />

tion <strong>of</strong> a new government is in<br />

tatters in Iraq. <strong>The</strong> struggle for<br />

power and patronage within<br />

Iraqi political actors, regional<br />

interferences in Iraqi politics,<br />

and the U.S. position within all<br />

these are some <strong>of</strong> the main facte<br />

tors in this delay. <strong>The</strong> deadlock<br />

<strong>of</strong> a government formation,<br />

however, seems to be coming to<br />

an end as the National Alliance,<br />

a combination <strong>of</strong> various Shiite<br />

groups, decided to nominate<br />

current Prime Minister Nuri al-<br />

Maliki for the premier post.<br />

Since the <strong>of</strong>ficial announceme<br />

ment <strong>of</strong> election results, Shiite<br />

groups failed to agree on a singe<br />

gle candidate for the premier<br />

post, and torturous, prolonged<br />

negotiations and bargaining<br />

within over the issue <strong>of</strong> who is<br />

going to get the top position bece<br />

came one <strong>of</strong> the main obstacles<br />

in the way toward forming the<br />

new government.<br />

Resolution amongst the Shiie<br />

ites on Maliki has removed this<br />

obstacle, but it is not the end<br />

<strong>of</strong> the game. Maliki still has to<br />

make serious decisions before<br />

he can assure his position and<br />

form a new Iraqi government.<br />

One <strong>of</strong> the most serious and<br />

fundamental decisions includes<br />

the role and place <strong>of</strong> the Kurds<br />

in the new government.<br />

An influential <strong>Kurdish</strong> leade<br />

er, Nechirvan Barzani, former<br />

KRG premier and now Kurdiste<br />

tan Democratic Party’s vice<br />

president announced his pleasue<br />

ure <strong>of</strong> Maliki’s candidacy. <strong>The</strong><br />

<strong>Kurdish</strong> support for Maliki is<br />

essential as the Shiite coalition<br />

cannot alone secure the majorie<br />

ity seats at the Iraqi Parliament<br />

to form the government. For<br />

Maliki to get the support <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Kurdistan Alliance, he has to<br />

accept the proposals presented<br />

by the alliance as a prerequisite<br />

to join or participate in a new<br />

government formation.<br />

Maliki had already met Kurdie<br />

ish President Massoud Barze<br />

zani and other leading Kurdie<br />

ish political actors to conceive<br />

Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki gestures as he speaks during a joint press conference with Massud Barzani (unseen),<br />

president <strong>of</strong> Kurdistan Region, in the northern <strong>city</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Erbil</strong> on August 08, 2010.<br />

their support and coalition.<br />

Throughout his meetings with<br />

the Kurds, Maliki seemed to<br />

accept <strong>Kurdish</strong> demands. But<br />

this is not clear or easy.<br />

Maliki could also opt to get the<br />

support <strong>of</strong> the Sunnis or the al-<br />

Iraqiya list led by former Prime<br />

Minister Iyad Allawi. Though<br />

Allawi himself is a Shiite, the<br />

list that he leads is a conglome<br />

eration <strong>of</strong> Sunni groups in Iraq.<br />

Most groups within Iraqiya list<br />

are accused by many Kurds <strong>of</strong><br />

being Baathists and chauvinie<br />

ists, such as Mosul Governor<br />

Athel al-Nujaifi.<br />

Despite the fact that al-Iraqiya<br />

representatives announced that<br />

they will not join in any potente<br />

tial government led by Maliki,<br />

there were some reports that<br />

indicate negotiations between<br />

Maliki’s State <strong>of</strong> Law and <strong>of</strong>fe<br />

ficials <strong>of</strong> al-Iraqiya discussie<br />

ing a possible deal to form a<br />

new government. According<br />

to a “Washington Post” repe<br />

port last Monday, Allawi had<br />

a phone call with the leader <strong>of</strong><br />

the Sadrist movement, Muqtade<br />

der Sadr, who is living in Iran,<br />

in which he reiterated that his<br />

support for Maliki was condite<br />

tional on including Allawi as a<br />

key player. «Muqtadar said he<br />

won>t keep the alliance with<br />

Maliki unless Dr. Allawi is the<br />

president with more authorite<br />

ties,>> the report quoted from<br />

an anonymous Iraqiya <strong>of</strong>ficial.<br />

Such a possible deal between<br />

Maliki and Allawi without a<br />

doubt will sideline the Kurds. A<br />

Shiite and Sunni alliance could<br />

not only strip the Kurds from<br />

the presidency post, but more<br />

crucial than that the <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />

demands, including the impleme<br />

mentation <strong>of</strong> the Iraqi Constite<br />

tution, the position <strong>of</strong> <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />

Peshmerga forces, the oil deals,<br />

and power sharing will also be<br />

jeopardized. Sunni groups are<br />

vehemently against <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />

demands. A possible deal bete<br />

tween Maliki and Allawi would<br />

be a serious and dangerous deve<br />

velopment for the Kurds.<br />

In such eventuality, the only<br />

path that would remain for the<br />

Kurds is to go their own way;<br />

in other words: secession from<br />

Iraq. Kurdistan Region is ready<br />

in terms <strong>of</strong> its institutions, culte<br />

ture, manpower, and social, pole<br />

litical, and economic structure<br />

to establish its own independe<br />

ent statehood.<br />

However, for the Kurds to reme<br />

main as part <strong>of</strong> Iraq and within<br />

the Iraqi political establishment,<br />

Iraqi political actors should reae<br />

alize the genuine national rights<br />

<strong>of</strong> the <strong>Kurdish</strong> nation. Rather<br />

than pursue exclusive Arab<br />

nationalism, the Iraqi actors<br />

should pursue multi-cultural,<br />

multi-national, democratic, and<br />

inclusive policies to keep Iraq<br />

integrated and united.<br />

Sidelining the Kurds and their<br />

demands will tear Iraq apart. At<br />

the same time, lack <strong>of</strong> Sunni<br />

participation in the new Iraqi<br />

government would also cause<br />

serious problems and destabile<br />

lize Iraq. A broad, countrywide<br />

coalition includes all the main<br />

components <strong>of</strong> Iraq; however,<br />

this is a very difficult task.<br />

<strong>The</strong> demands <strong>of</strong> each <strong>of</strong> them<br />

are irreconcilable. For exampe<br />

ple, most Sunni groups--as the<br />

practice <strong>of</strong> Mosul Governor<br />

al-Nujaifi and his Hadba List<br />

indicate--are against the impe<br />

plementation <strong>of</strong> certain articles<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Constitution and federal<br />

structure <strong>of</strong> Iraq. Without fede<br />

eralism and implementation <strong>of</strong><br />

the Iraqi Constitution, there is<br />

no way the Kurds can be part <strong>of</strong><br />

government or remain as part <strong>of</strong><br />

Iraq as a whole. It is high time<br />

SAFIN HAMED/AFP/Getty Images<br />

for Sunnis to give up on their<br />

exclusive Arab nationalism and<br />

adapt to the new realities and<br />

conditions <strong>of</strong> Iraq in the 21st<br />

century.<br />

Hypothetically, the Sunnis<br />

could play an effective role<br />

<strong>of</strong> opposition in Parliament to<br />

check the government action<br />

and policies and bring them<br />

into accountability. Any proper<br />

functioning democratic system<br />

needs proper and strong oppose<br />

sition.<br />

Arab nationalism and centralie<br />

ism brought Iraq during the<br />

20th century nothing but disaste<br />

ter and chaos. A chance must be<br />

given to democracy and pluralie<br />

ism to get Iraq out <strong>of</strong> its current<br />

state <strong>of</strong> affairs and into a peacefe<br />

ful and democratic country.<br />

Some <strong>of</strong> Iraq’s neighbors and<br />

the U.S. fear that a Maliki-led<br />

government with the support <strong>of</strong><br />

the Sadr movement may lean<br />

toward Iran and intensify Iran’s<br />

influence in Baghdad. Probably<br />

because <strong>of</strong> this fear alone, they<br />

wish to see Allawi and Sunnis<br />

participating in the government<br />

formation and rebuke Iran’s infe<br />

fluence in Baghdad.<br />

A potential Shiite and Kurdie<br />

ish coalition government with<br />

the application <strong>of</strong> <strong>Kurdish</strong> deme<br />

mands would be a better and<br />

more effective way to curb<br />

Iran’s influence in the country.<br />

A more democratic, plural, and<br />

federal Iraq means less influe<br />

ence by Iran or other regional<br />

powers in the country.<br />

After almost seven months<br />

following the general election,<br />

Iraq is still in search <strong>of</strong> forming<br />

a new government. <strong>The</strong>re are<br />

still serious challenges ahead.<br />

With complete U.S. troop withde<br />

drawal on its way, Iraq remains<br />

a fragile country on the brink<br />

<strong>of</strong> disintegration. Two solute<br />

tions can remedy this fragility:<br />

either breaking up the country<br />

into three, or establishing a<br />

democratic and plural political<br />

system. <strong>The</strong> political mindset<br />

<strong>of</strong> most <strong>of</strong> the Iraqi political acte<br />

tors unfortunately indicates the<br />

former option is more likely<br />

than the latter.<br />

Azad Amin<br />

Weekly paper printed in <strong>Erbil</strong><br />

First published in 2005<br />

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