Erbil: The host city of sports t ournaments - Kurdish Globe

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ً The Kurdish Globe No. 276, Saturday, October 09, 2010 10 It’s “show time” First International Monte Carlo Circus in Erbil Hundreds of Erbil residents experience their first circus at Martyr Sami Abddul-Rahman Park, but the low number of circus attendees disappoints organizeers. “Show time in five minue utes. Five minutes till show time!” called a voice over the microphone as the crowd went wild, whistling and clapping. Minutes later, performers came out holding flags of different countries of the world in costumes of different colors and mate terials, beginning a show over 90 minutes long. The Monte Carlo Interne national Circus came to Erbil’s Martyr Sami Abde dul-Rahman Park, with performers from Spain, Italy, Austria, Germane ny, Kenya, Russia, and Ukraine to name a few. From animal acts to rope dances and clowns, the circus is one of the first of its kind in Kurdistan Rege gion. “Business has been bad here!” complained Souheil Obeid, owner of the circus. Obeid has been in the circus business for 30 years, with experience in managing many circe cuses in the world. Zina Hassan, 9, excite edly clapped as she took a seat after being called up by two clowns to do tricks on the skipping rope. She had already asked her father to bring her back once more. “I have not seen a circus like this before. I enjoyed it but I think it was more for little kids, except the magician at the end. I couldn’t work out how he made the girl disappear,” said Shirwan Yousifi, 18, who went to the circus with a group of friends. “I thought I was goie ing to see elephants and lions,” said one of his friends. The circus includes 43 staff members and 27 animals. Advertiseme ments filled all corners of the city for tickets for two shows a night. Front row VIP seats cost about 30,000 Iraqi dinars per person and 12,000 for other seats in the large tent. “The Monte Carlo circe cus only uses performers awarded by the Monte Carlo festival, who advise es us on which performe ers and artists to have in our circus,” explained Obeid, emphasizing that these artists are the best in their fields. “We faced many problems when trying to assemble the circus in Erbil. The first was that there were no cargo planes to Erbil to carry the big animals like lions and tigers. The border from Turkey does not allow big animals to cross into Kurdistan. It was difficult to arrive, but in the end we arrived with the smaller animals. The monkeys had a 20- day road journey from Ukraine to Erbil,” says Obeid, pausing to signal to the magician to begin the circus in two minutes time. “Two minutes until show time; two minutes until show time,” someoe one yelled into the micrope phone, followed by large applause from the audie ence. The cheer came just as 42 children arrived in a mini-van rushing into the circus tent with enthusiae asm. The children, Obeid said, were from the Erbil orphanage. The show has attracted people of different backge grounds. About 15 minue utes before the show’s commencement, the crowd looked at the ente trance as singers Dashne Murad and Loka entered to have a seat in the VIP section, followed by a renowned politician with his three children. “People in Erbil do not have the circus culture yet,” said Obeid, reflectie ing on their previous successful experience in Lebanon. “In Beirut, one advertisement can make the entire city talk about the circus. They often have to book seats a month in advance. But here, people don’t care.” As the tent darkened and the spotlight shown on a snake performance, Tara Nasir, 37, watched with astonishment. “This is the second time I come with the children,” she remarked. “The performe mances are risky and dangerous but also enterte taining. I am enjoying it more than the kids.” Obeid said those who did come and watch the show have now gained a GLOBE PHOTO/Safin Hamed Circus performers at Erbil>s International Monte Carlo Circus new idea of what a real circus looks like, and their views have changed. “The experience was very difficult. Equipment came from France, the tent from Italy, and artists from different parts of the world.” The majority of the staff is from Lebane non and Russia. The circus tent has 1,700 seats for every show. But, Obeid, noted: “On averae age we have 150 to 200 people for each show, and it reached just over 300 on Thursday and Fride day nights.” When asked if the circe cus will come back to Erbil, Obeid sighed a long “no,” emphasizing that this week will be the last. “Having worked in 45 countries around the world, here [Erbil] was the biggest loss. The soce ciety here is not yet prepe pared for circus culture.” Having completed 22 show days, on Sunday the last show will be perfe formed in what was origie inally set to be a 45-day journey with 90 shows. It has been cut short--alme most by half. The group of performers, clowns, magicians, and artists will move to Suleimaniya for 20 days in hopes that a better reception awaits them in the cultural capite tal of the Kurdistan Rege gion. Erbil intErnational Fair 18 – 21 octobEr 2010 FRom 11 am to 7 Pm ERBIL INTERNATIONAL FAIRGROUND ERBIL, KuRdIstan REgIon - IRaq thE Flagship tradE Fair oF iraq with morE than 850 Exhibitors From 30 countriEs ORgaNIzED BY SUPPORTED BY DIaMOND SPONSORS VENUE Tel: +964 66 2567634 www.ifpiraq.com ERBIl INTERNaTIONal FaIRgROUND IN COOPERaTION WITH OFFICIal HOTEl BagHDaD INTERNaTIONal FaIRgROUND MEDIa PaRTNERS CHILdREn undER 16 aRE not aLLoWEd PlaTINUM SPONSORS OFFICIal FREIgHT FORWaRDER
The Kurdish Globe No. 276, Saturday, October 09, 2010 11 Iraq and its Kurdish Question will continue to be an important foreign policy issue to the U.S. - Sean Kane, Program Officer with USIP’s Iraq programs Interviwer: Wirya Rehmany What is the place and importance of the Kurdiish question in U.S. foreeign policy? Do the U.S. and European counttries have any policy or strategy toward Kurds as a nation? The Kurdish question in Iraq, and Iraq in gene eral, remains important to the foreign policy of the United States. This is especially because the Obama Administration sees unresolved Arab- Kurdish issues as one of the greatest risks to Iraq’s stability. However, the extraordinary amount of attention and resources that the U.S. devoted to Iraq over the last seven years will not be repeate ed. This level of focus on one country and its internal politics is almost unparalleled in U.S. histe tory. Iraq and its Kurdish Question will continue to be an important foreign policy issues to the U.S., but one of several priorite ties rather than the No. 1 concern. In addition, U.S. domestic politics are turning away from foreign policy and secure rity issues to local issues like the difficult economie ic situation back home. How do you see the situaation of Kurds of Iraq? The Kurds and Kurdie istan Region have made tremendous progress over the last 20 years--espece cially since 2003. Iraq is now a federal country and Kurdistan Region has a high degree of autonomy to manage its own affairs. Iraqi Kurds also have sene nior positions in the Iraqi government and army. In many ways, given the inte ternational environment, this is the best possible situation for the Kurds of Iraq. However, the overae all environment in Iraq is evolving as U.S. troops are withdrawn. There are major outstanding issues between the fede eral government and the Kurdistan Regional Gove ernment, including relatie ing to oil contracts and disputed territories. How these issues are handled could determine whether the Kurds can be successfe ful in creating the politice cal conditions for another 20 years of progress. How do you see the imppact of the departure of U.S. forces from Iraq on the Kurdish region and U.S.-Kurdish relations in the future? The U.S. forces’ departe ture affects the strategic situation of the Kurdistan Region, which had hoped to see a long-term U.S. troop presence to help guarantee its security. In my view, the Kurdish leadership took a very strategic approach to the 2003 U.S.-led invasion. Their challenge now is to be equally strategic in handling the departure of U.S. troops so that past achievements can be consolidated. Kirkuk and the other disputed territore ries are very important in this respect. The conte tinuing lack of agreement about the southern limit of the entire Iraqi Kurdie istan Region is a major source of uncertainty and tension today, and could be a source of damaging instability and even confe flict in the future. What will be U.S. policcy toward the struggle between Baghdad and Erbil, especially conccerning the Kirkuk question? In my opinion, the U.S. message to Baghdad and Erbil will be that these isse sues can only be resolved by internal agreements among Iraqis themselves. The U.S. will support Iraqi efforts to resolve this struggle, but is unlikely to present its own plan. In the near term, I believe that the U.S., along with UNAMI, will encourage Baghdad and Erbil to este tablish a political process on their outstanding isse sues once a new governme ment is formed. If the parties are willing to do this and both sides show flexibility on difficult subjects like Kirkuk, the U.S. would likely activele ly support the process and could be open to providie ing some guarantees for a negotiated agreement. If the parties are not, U.S. involvement on these isse sues might become rede duced over time. What are your expectattions and advice for the Iraqi KRG (especially on dealing with us in the future)? My advice to the Kurdiste tan Regional Government is to be fully aware of the changing place of Iraq and the Kurdish Queste tion in U.S. politics. The U.S. wants to help Baghde dad and Erbil resolve their issues and prevent any repeat of past trage edies. But it is no longer the case that U.S. leaders will be judged politically on events in Iraq as was the case three or four years ago. As a result, the policy decisions and actions the KRG takes are more and more important in determining what kind of long-term relationship will develop. Sean Kane is a Program Officer with USIP’s Iraq programs. Prior to joini ing the Institute, he worked as a Political Affairs Offi ficer with the United Nati tions Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) in Baghdad, Erbil, Mosul, and Kirkuk from 2006-09. At UNAMI, Sean worked on a range of political issues including advising the Iraqi Parliami ment during the 2007 consi stitutional review, analysis of oil and revenue sharing legislation, monitoring the 2009 provincial elections, and preparing UNAMI’s reports to the government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government on Kirkuk and other disputed internal boundaries. From 2009-10, Sean also served as a Middle East Desk Offi ficer with the United Nati tions Department of Politici cal Affairs, covering issues related to the Middle East Peace Process and supporti ing the Secretary-General’s participation in the Middle East Quartet. From 2005-06, Sean was a Program Officer with the U.S. government’s Millenni nium Challenge Corporati tion (MCC). At MCC, he conducted economic growth analysis and designed moniti toring and evaluation systi tems for Millennium Challi lenge Compact proposals from the governments of Mali, Senegal, and Sri Lanki ka. During the summer of 2004, he worked for the Offi fice of the High Representati tive in Bosnia-Herzegovina on internal debt and propei erty restitution issues resulti ing from the 1990s conflict. He was previously an Assi sociate Lecturer/Researcher with the University of the Witwatersrand in South Afri rica, and a Senior Research Analyst at the U.S.-based strategy consulting firm Dove Associates. Sean has written on the subjects of natural resource negotiations and Iraqi politi tics. He has a Bachelor of Arts from Bowdoin College and a Masters in Public Affi fairs from Princeton Univi versity’s Woodrow Wilson School. He has also studi ied at the London School of Economics. President Barzani addresses meeting of Alliance of Democrats in Rome Full speech by Massoud Barzani delivered on 1 October 2010 to the Alliance of Democrats Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a pleasure to join you, my fellow Democrats, here today. I often hear it said that there are no universal human values. That the world’s people are divided by cultural, ethnic, and religious fissures so deep, that common ground is impossible to find. With its tragic and long history of dictatorship and conflict, Iraq is often used as one of the most prominent exampe ples of these irreconcilable divisions. But I stand here today to tell you that is not true. As someone who has witne nessed the darkest side of man, who has witnessed the attempted exterminate tion of my people, witne nessed the destruction of almost every village in Kurdistan, witnessed the brutal slaying of women and children discarded in mass graves…. I can tell you that as hume man beings we all share some values, unequivocalle ly: the desire to know that we can sleep safely in our beds at night; that our childe dren won’t be cut down in their youth because of their name, religion, political views, or birthplace; that we will have opportunities not afforded to our parents and provide new opportune nities for our children. The question, however, is how to pursue these values and ensure their provision throughout society. I bele lieve Iraq’s history proves to us the wisdom of the old democratic adage that no man can be secure while another man fears. Security must be universal. Which means that while security is necessary for the deve velopment of our society, security is nothing without democracy and freedom. Without the ability for all to choose our leaders and hold them accountable. This recognition has alwe ways been at the heart of the Kurdish struggle and it remains our vision for the future of Iraq. It is why we have fought so hard for an Iraq that is governed by laws and ruled by the compromises embedded in our Constitution. We know from experience that any movement towards a winner-take-all mentality will mean disaster, not just for the Kurdistan Region, but for all the people of Iraq. While we may not alwe ways agree with the decise sions taken throughout the country, we must learn to respect the rights of people to choose who will lead them and how their comme munities will be tied in the federal structure to other communities. There are some who disae agree with us on these value ues. Who out of ignorance, hunger for power, fear of change, or plain evil would like to see Iraq slip back into the ways of the past, but I believe that the people of Iraq want their leaders to look to the fute ture. They want a security apparatus that has strong ties between itself and the public - that is committed to entrusting their human rights rather than abusing them. They want an end to the abhorrent plague of terrorism and radicalism, which seeks to re-create divisions in our society and destroy our opportune nity to develop. We will not let those who seek to derail the political process succeed. We must continue to build up trust amongst our communities by strengthening our instite tutions and commitment to the rule of law. We must make it clear that minorite ties and the vulnerable can feel safe in our society, that we will not only prote tect their right to exist but provide their communities with the opportunity to thrive. This means that eve eryone in Iraq must have the right to determine the form and structure of their government. We must avoid all attempts to inse stall mechanisms into the political process that will disenfranchise any compe ponent of Iraqi society. That is why I have been willing to work with any and all blocks in the Iraqi Parliament that are prepe pared to commit to our values. We are fully prepe pared to join any governme ment in Baghdad that will uphold the Constitution of our country and work in consensus with all groups. In the end, it’s not about the specifics of one particue ular policy or person. It’s not about oil, it’s not about administrative structures, it’s not about who is Prime Minister – it’s about a basic and complete commitment to freedom, democracy, and the rule of law. These policies demonstrate to us the intentions of the gove ernment. We have fought too long and witnessed too many times in the past, what “compromises” on those fundamental values leads to. The Kurdistan Region since 1991 has taken the road to democrace cy, joined by Iraq in 2003, and our people will not go back. We cannot afford to compromise on the very nature of the federal structe ture of the state – if there is ever a need for a “red line” it surely must be that. In the Kurdistan Region, we have come a long way in establishing democratic institutions. We have expe perienced an economic boom, begun to rebuild our infrastructure, institute ed protections for minorite ties and the rights of our religious communities to study in their own native tongues, and begun a proje ect designed to increase the transparency and rese sponsiveness of our instite tutions to the people. We have passed pro-trade and investment laws to attract the world’s top business leaders. Still, we are just at the bege ginning of a monumental undertaking to re-structure our society. For over 100 years, we were deprived of access or participation in our government. We need culturally sensitive help from other democrats with the technical experte tise to help us build up our human capacity and instite tutions. After decades of living in a non-democratic state, we are striving to find private opportunities for our people, not just for our economic developme ment, but also to provide people with opportunities independent of the governme ment or politics. We also have a long way to go to shake off the viole lence and abuse of our past. Children in Halabja are still born with deforme mities and defects caused by the use of chemical weapons. Adults throughoe out the country suffer from the physical and mental effe fects of years of violence and dictatorship. Our socie ety is just beginning a long process of reconciliation. But we are resolute. We can overcome the bloody past. We will no longer be victims to our state. I am proud to stand here today as a committed member of a global alliance of democratic movements. It has been a long and tragic road to this day, but it is the very difficulty of our struggle that daily reminds us of its importance. Finally please allow me to repeat my gratitude for this invitation. I humbly thank you for this opporte tunity and ask for your support to establish and enhance bilateral relations with the Kurdistan Region. It is indeed an honor to be amongst you today. Let us all work for the day when the ballot box is the sole triumphant over all else and everywhere.
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Erbil: The host city of sports t ournaments - Kurdish Globe

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