KDP confirms government rotation - Kurdish Globe

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The Kurdish Globe No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 8 Wanted official appears in TV interview Former chief of Kurdistan Democratic Party’s fourth branch in Suleimaniya, Hiwa Ahmed, appeared in an interview on Zagros TV channel explaining his and his party's stance on demonstrations from Feb. 17, 2011. Ahmed, who is wanted by the courts, expi pressed his readiness to go to court to defended his innocence. In the interview with the pro-KDP Zagros TV, Ahmed remarked he nevei er ordered the shooting of demonstrators and what they did on that day was "self-defense." In February 2011, antigovernment demonstrati tors attacked the KDP office in Suleimaniya; a demonstrator was killed and more than 10 people were wounded when guards and security forces attempted to scatti ter crowds. Demonstrati tions continued for two months in Suleimaniya’s Sara Square and in other towns. More than 10 Hiwa Ahmed ready to go to court when his party tells him to died and hundreds were wounded in the demonsi strations. Ahmed explained that they never expected to be targeted in that demonsi stration and they were goi ing about their daily busini ness. "We were inside and had a guest" when people gathered in front of the office, he said. Concerning the young man, Rezhwan Ali, who was killed in front of the office, Ahmed said he and Rezhwan were both "victims" of that violi lence. "Rezhwan lost his life and I am damaged internally," said Ahmed. He described the death of the young man as an "acci cident" they didn’t want to happen. Ahmed admitted that his office’s guards were shooting to disperse demoi onstrators and they didn’t intend to kill anyone. "Why did the guards carry weapons? Why did they have bullets in their guns? To defend themselves and the places they guard," noted Ahmed, justifying the guards firing on the crowd as resistance and defense. "I never ordered the shooting." The guards acted wisely when they stayed inside the building, said Ahmed, explaining that confronti ing the demonstrators or any attempt to evacuai ate the office could have resulted in more bloodsi shed. Regarding the arrest warrant, Ahmed said he will go to court and he will "return clean" and inni nocent. But he awaits the KDP leadership's decision for him when to surrender to the warrant. He said his case is not personal but is a "KDP affi fair" and he acts however the party orders him to. Ahmed also denied a media report that he had accused members of Pati triotic Union of Kurdisti tan, KDP's ally, for provi voking attackers on the Suleimaniya branch; he said that only the court can find who was responsi sible. Kurdistan Region Presidi dent Massoud Barzani, also president of KDP, issi sued four presidential deci crees late August, one of them ordering for the arri rest of suspects who may have caused the violence. Barzani's decrees came as a concession to Kurdi istan Region's opposition parties, which put the arri rests of those responsible for the violence as a condi dition for resuming meeti ings with the governing parties. After the demonstrati tions, opposition and govei erning parties met several times, aiming to resolve political problems and to seek reforms in the politici cal process. The meetings were stopped because the conditions were not yet met, according to oppositi tion parties’ statements. By Ako Muhammed Former chief of Kurdistan Democratic Party’s fourth branch in Sulleimaniya, Hiwa Ahmed Gorran chairman discusses political situation Nawshirwan Mustafa: Independent committee can solve issues between Erbil and Baghdad PRESS PHOTO In an interview with KNN satellite channel, Nawsi shirwan Mustafa, chairmi man of Gorran (Change) Movement, discussed the political situation in Iraq and Kurdistan Region. Mustafa says the U.S government removed a dictator and, as a result, many people’s lives impi proved. Democratic electi tions were held, a new constitution was drafted in which human rights were a focus, and econi nomic sanctions on the country were lifted. But after the U.S. troop withdi drawal from Iraq, several issues still remain outsi standing. Despite the improvemi ments, Mustafa thinks the U.S. left a country that still suffers from serious problems. "Iraq is still a sectarian country and is one of the countries that comes first as far as corri ruption is concerned. The government hasn't been able so far to provide general services, like water and electricity; it hasn't created enough job opportunities, especially for the young people." PRESS PHOTO Nawshirwan Mustafa during an interview with the KNN TV channel, Jan. 2, 2012. More importantly, Musti tafa says, the U.S. has left Iraq with several confi flicts; conflicts between Shiites and Sunnis, and disputes between Kurds and the federal governmi ment. "Since Kurdistan is still part of Iraq, if any events, whether related to terror or corruption take place, they will affect Kurdisti tan Region as well. We still have problems with the central government in Baghdad concerni ing power, property and wealth," he said. Concerning the existing problems between Shii ites and Sunnis, Mustafa says most of the time, Kurds play a mediation role; whenever Sunnis and Shiites are at peace, Kurds are the creators of the peace. "I believe Kurds have to bring their issues up while trying to solve the Sunni and Shiite issues. Kurds need to use these chances by relating their issues with other Iraqi general problems aimi ing to find solutions for them," noted Mustafa. In Mustafa's view, Kurds haven’t benefited from playing mediation role between Sunnis and Shiites, but on the conti trary, some Arabs think the Kurds like deepening the problems between Sunnis and Shiites. When asked if Kurds are closer to Shiites or Sunnis, Mustafa said, "It depends on the time. In the past, when the Baath Party was ruling Iraq, Kurds and Shiites were thinking similarly. They both attempted to topple the regime and found a federal government. But with the passage of time, Shiites changed their views because they are the first power in the country. I believe it is not in our favor to take sides but we need to deal with both sides equally." Although Kurds have been having power and authority problems with Shiites, and property and land issues with Sunnis, according to Mustafa, Kurdish political leaders have tried to take highranking posts and control finances; they haven't been able to return any of areas that have been atti tached to Arab areas back to Kurdistan Region. In Mustafa's perspecti tive, Kurds can solve their problems with the Iraqi federal government if they change their relati tionship with the central government from politici cal parties' relations to national ones. "Kurds have taken high posts and obtained their share in the Iraqi resourcei es but I don't think if we have been allowed to share in making political decisions. In the past, we also had the same probli lem." Because Kurdistan has independent committees, like the Integrity Commi mittee and Human Rights Committee, which are responsible for finance issues and human rights, Mustafa thinks an indepi pendent committee also can be formed and be in charge of negotiations between Kurdistan Regi gion and the Iraqi centi tral government, observi ing and following up the works of Kurds' officials in the Iraqi government and Parliament. By Zakaria Muhammed
The Kurdish Globe No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 9 Iraq’s factional chaos threatens to disrupt a Kurdish haven GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed People celebrate the New Year in downtown Erbil, Dec. 31, 2011. By Tim Arango The New York Times For the Kurds here in this ancient city, the rewards of war are numerous and obvi vious. Construction cranes rise from the cityscape. Highway medians are green with shrubbery. A glittering shopping mall with an indoor ice skating rink stands as a totem of American-style consumeri ism. The only blast walls in sight are those that protect the regional parliament, decorated by sunflowers painted in muted shades of yellow. Among Iraqis, the Kurds benefited the most from the war, and now may have the most to lose if the political chaos that followed the depi parture of American forces metastasizes into civil war. “Are we worried? Yes, we are worried,” said Barham A. Salih, the prime ministi ter of the Kurdish regional government. “Our national interest as Kurds lies in a democratic, federal, peacefi ful Iraq. We still have a long way to go before we get there.” The end of the Americi can military role here is an anxious turning point for the Kurds, who were proti tected by the United States for 20 years, beginning after the Persian Gulf war of 1991, with a humanitari ian operation and no-fly zone that halted Saddam Hussein’s killing machine. Now, the consolidation of power by Prime Ministi ter Nuri Kamal al-Maliki evokes painful memories of Kurdish suffering at the hands of a powerful central government in Baghdad. It also places the Kurds in the delicate position of acting as peacemakers between warring Shiite and Sunni Arab factions, a battle in which their own future is at stake. “Every Kurd yearns for an independent homeland, no doubt,” Mr. Salih said. “But we have also acceptei ed living as part of a demoi ocratic, peaceful, federal Iraq. If this hope vanishes, I don’t think the Kurds will be willing to risk what we have.” The current crisis, which politicians say has brought the country to the brink of civil war, erupted almost two weeks ago, just as the last American troops were leaving. Maliki’s governmi ment issued an arrest warri rant for Vice President Tariq al-Hashimi, the top Sunni politician, accusing him of running an assassi sination squad. Hashimi fled north, to the semiauti tonomous Kurdish region, to escape arrest. Maliki, a Shiite, warned the Kurds that there would be “probli lems” if they did not turn over Hashimi. The Kurds, who have no intention of complyi ing with Maliki’s demand, were not happy about bei ing dragged into the dispi pute between Sunnis and Shiites. “We are not part of the problem,” insisted Massoud Barzani, presidi dent of the Kurdish regionai al government. But with the future of postwar Iraq hanging in the balance, they cannot avoid being part of the soluti tion. American diplomats, whose influence is vastly diminished here since the American military withdi drawal, have called on a Kurdish leader, Jalal Tali labani, who is president of Iraq, to convene a meeting of Iraq’s leadership. But so far there is no agreement even on where the meeting should be held: the Kurds say it should be in the north while Maliki is pushing for Baghdad. A unity government formed last year at the initi tiative of the Kurds, which included meaningful roles for all three of Iraq’s main factions, is now teetering. Maliki has threatened to form a new government controlled by the Shiite majority that would effi fectively marginalize the Sunnis. To do so, he would need the support of the Kurds in Parliament, an unlikely prospect. “This would be the most dangerous step,” Barzani said in an interview at his sprawling palace outside Erbil, surrounded by snowtipped mountains that have served as the terrain for generations of guerrilla fighters. “It has to be a partni nership between the Shias, the Sunnis and the Kurds. Anything contrary to that would be disastrous.” Salih, the prime minister, said a Shiite-Kurdish alliai ance that shut out the Sunni nis would mean “the end of Iraq as we know it.” Depriving the Sunnis, who dominated under Mr. Hussein’s government, of a political voice would be likely to revitalize the Sunni insurgency, which is already showing new signs of life. Four days after the American withdrawal, coordinated bombings in Baghdad killed at least 63 people, the deadliest attack there in more than a year. The Kurds have no great love for the Sunnis. Even though the Kurds are mostly Sunni Muslims themselves, it was the Sunni-Arab government of Mr. Hussein that was acci cused of committing genoci cide against the Kurds. But they would rather have the Sunni Arabs safely ensi sconced in a power-shari ing government rather than risk renewed violence and instability. Kurdistan, long a bastion of tolerance and a haven for the aggrieved and oppi pressed of all stripes, has lately become a sanctuary for Sunnis. Mr. Hashimi remains encamped at Mr. Talabani’s guesthouse in the hills outside Sulaimai aniya, where he said he alternated wearing the two suits he packed for a trip he thought would last two days. Sunni leaders from Diyi yala Province, a mixed region that has sought greater autonomy from the central government, have also fled to Kurdistan after a crackdown by state securi rity forces. The Kurds have deep emotional ties to the Unitei ed States, and in many ways they subscribe to the vision of the pluralistic soci ciety the Americans tried to construct here. Salih lived in Washington for years; his daughter atti tended Princeton and his son Columbia. He was close to the writer Christopi pher Hitchens, who wrote a book on the Kurdish cause. Explaining the view of the Sunni elite that leadership is their birthright, Salih likei ens them to “the WASPs of the United States.” Objects that in Baghdad would offend the religious and invite terrorists are abundant here. Christmas trees were on display at the mall and elsewhere. An American school openly flies an American flag, and not behind blast walls and checkpoints and razor wire. Not a single American soldi dier died in this region. “If you ask most Kurds, they will say that Americi ca’s military left Iraq too soon,” Salih said. Kurdish leaders believe in federalism and support the efforts of other provinces, like Diyala and Anbar, both with Sunni majoriti ties, to gain autonomy, a status Maliki opposes as a threat to Shiite dominance. While most Kurds ultimi mately wish for their own state, a move toward indepi pendence carries the risk of provoking a regional war with Iran, Turkey and Syria, countries with their own substantial Kurdish minorities. These countries would be likely to view an assertion of statehood by Iraqi Kurds as a provocati tion. For now at least, the Kurds see their best hope in maintaining their autonoi omy within a united Iraq. “If Iraq ends up being broken apart, it’s not beci cause the Kurds wanted it,” said Dr. Najmaldin Karim, an American citizi zen from Silver Spring, Md., who is now the govei ernor of Kirkuk, a city divi vided by Kurds, Arabs and Turkmen. “It’s because the others couldn’t get along.” Omar al-Jawoshy contributed reporting.
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KDP confirms government rotation - Kurdish Globe

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