KDP confirms government rotation - Kurdish Globe
KDP confirms government rotation - Kurdish Globe
KDP confirms government rotation - Kurdish Globe
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From the Heart of Kurdistan Region<br />
The only English paper in Iraq - No: 335 Sat. January 07, 2012<br />
<strong>KDP</strong> <strong>confirms</strong> <strong>government</strong> <strong>rotation</strong><br />
Key posts set to<br />
change in January<br />
Kurdistan Region's two governi<br />
ing parties are ready to change<br />
key posts in the <strong>government</strong> this<br />
month. Spokesman of Kurdistan<br />
Democratic Party, Jafar Ibrahi<br />
him on Jan. 3 confirmed that the<br />
change in posts will take place<br />
in January. He also said <strong>KDP</strong> is<br />
ready to take the post of prime<br />
minister of Kurdistan Regional<br />
Government.<br />
Ibrahim added that the party’s<br />
only candidate to take that posi<br />
sition is Nechirvan Barzani, a<br />
former KRG prime minister and<br />
<strong>KDP</strong> vice president. The spokesmi<br />
man said Barzani was out of the<br />
country but "he will return in<br />
coming days."<br />
P 3<br />
<strong>KDP</strong> Vice President and incoming Prime Minister, Nechirvan Barzani<br />
GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 2<br />
Kurds must “use their aces wisely”<br />
<strong>Globe</strong> Editorial<br />
The fear of the disintegration of<br />
Iraq is hardly breaking news. A<br />
persistent theme of the past nineor<br />
so years of the new Iraq has been<br />
how to preserve unity and bring<br />
about true national reconciliation<br />
amongst a climate of deep misti<br />
trust.<br />
Iraq in its transition to democri<br />
racy may have achieved historical<br />
junctures, but it has often stumbled<br />
to its milestones as opposed to a<br />
painless arrival at its new dawn.<br />
More often than not, the major<br />
achievements in Iraq were undersi<br />
scored by heavy U.S. pressure<br />
and much political jockeyingand<br />
drama in Baghdad. As successive<br />
crises have brewed, asemblance<br />
of calm was somewhat reinstated<br />
in the short term by last-minute<br />
dealings,but too often at the expi<br />
pense of any long-term benefits. A<br />
policy of brushing key issues undi<br />
der the political rug always ran the<br />
risk of haunting the Iraqi political<br />
arena at some stage,and just days<br />
after the U.S.symbolic withdrawal<br />
from Iraq, another explosive crisis<br />
reared its ugly head in Iraq.<br />
If the issues are assessed at the<br />
surface, then one can argue that<br />
current turmoil was instigated<br />
by Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri<br />
al-Maliki’sissuance of an arrest<br />
warrant against Iraq's Sunni Vice<br />
President Tariq al-Hashemi and the<br />
subsequent ploy to sideline Sunni<br />
Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-<br />
Mutlak from power. However,<br />
the water has been boiling on the<br />
sieve for several months, and for<br />
one reason or another, it wouldn’t<br />
have taken much to tip sentiments<br />
over the edge.<br />
Just take the current brittle coai<br />
alition that was remarkably conci<br />
cluded after 11 months and set an<br />
unwanted world record. That in<br />
itself sums up all that is needed to<br />
explain the current upheaval and<br />
instability.<br />
Even though Iyad Allawi’s predi<br />
dominantly Sunni-based al-Iraqiyi<br />
ya group was the ultimate victor<br />
at the polls, they were threatened<br />
withbeingmarginalised by al-Mali<br />
liki’s Shiite Coalition. Months of<br />
wrangling ensured agreement on<br />
power-sharing but more through<br />
Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki delivers a speech during a ceremony at Al-Shaab stadium complex in central<br />
Baghdad on December 31, 2011.<br />
gritted teeth than true brotherly<br />
reconciliation.<br />
Once al-Iraqiya didn’t get the<br />
power it demanded and real deci<br />
cision-makingauthority, it was<br />
only a question of time before<br />
the political landscape would be<br />
rocked once more. Almost two<br />
years since the national elections,<br />
a number of key positions remain<br />
unfilled and still in the hands of<br />
al-Maliki in what was supposedly<br />
a temporary basis.<br />
Turkish anxiety has dramatically<br />
increased by unfolding events,<br />
leading Ankara to go back and<br />
forth between Baghdad and Washi<br />
ington in recent weeks and warni<br />
ing about the dangers of an Iraqi<br />
disintegration. Although Turkey<br />
may have chosen to ignore reality<br />
for a while, the writing has been<br />
on the Iraqi wall for decades and<br />
particularly these past nine years.<br />
There is no danger of Iraqi fragmi<br />
mentation. It is already fragmentei<br />
ed, and now it’s only a question<br />
of just how far the disintegration<br />
will go; regional countries must<br />
accept that reality sooner or latei<br />
er. Democracy has been fraught<br />
with difficulty in Iraq with voting<br />
along heavy sectarian and ethnic<br />
lines. Voting has been almost akin<br />
to a de facto national census than<br />
a true national voice gathering exei<br />
ercise.<br />
While Turkey and neighbouri<br />
ing countries seemingly worked<br />
to promote national harmony and<br />
reconciliation in Iraq, ironically<br />
they have been responsible for the<br />
entrenchment of camps in Iraq.<br />
Successive Shiite <strong>government</strong>s<br />
have swayed heavily toward Tehri<br />
ran, whilst Sunni groups, essenti<br />
tially marginalised from power<br />
from their heyday under Saddam<br />
Hussein, have worked to force a<br />
hand at the political table through<br />
the threat of insurgency or<br />
through jockeying in the political<br />
chambers. Turkmen have used the<br />
big brother threat, calling on the<br />
support of Turkey to ensure their<br />
cards on the table are not ignored,<br />
while for the Kurds it has been a<br />
case of not letting the rest of Iraq<br />
drag the prosperous Kurdistan<br />
Region down with them and at the<br />
same time building strategic ties<br />
to boost their autonomous status<br />
and growing economic clout.<br />
How regional sectarian influence<br />
continues to grip Iraq can be seen<br />
with al-Maliki’s persistent support<br />
of the much maligned and underfire<br />
Bashar al-Assad in Syria.<br />
This week al-Iraqiya kept up<br />
their boycott of Iraq’s Parliament<br />
and Cabinet, accusing al-Maliki<br />
of monopolising power and not<br />
abiding by the terms that led to<br />
the eventual breakthroughof the<br />
current coalition.<br />
Accusations of the centralising<br />
of power by al-Maliki are hardly<br />
new; it was a frequent criticism<br />
throughout the last election term.<br />
With the importance of upholdi<br />
ing calm and dialogue seemingly<br />
at large, a national conference has<br />
been proposed that should be held<br />
sometime this month. A national<br />
conference may save the day in<br />
the short term as did the Erbil<br />
agreement, but true concord may<br />
prove elusive once more.<br />
No amount of political mani<br />
noeuvring at the end of the day<br />
can paper over deep mistrust and<br />
animosity. Even if national electi<br />
tions were held early, the end<br />
game would be the same. There is<br />
no guarantee that Iraq would not<br />
end up at the same juncture after<br />
new elections are held whilst the<br />
key ingredients that continuousli<br />
lypoison the political atmosphere<br />
remain.<br />
As for now, it is unlikely that<br />
al-Maliki will relinquish his firm<br />
grip on power. While al-Maliki<br />
has been under intense domestic<br />
and regional spotlight, he may esci<br />
cape this current escapade largely<br />
unscathed. Al-Iraqiya have used<br />
the threat of boycott, but with so<br />
many Sunnis in their ranks badly<br />
scarred from the boycott campi<br />
paignsof the previous campaigns,<br />
it is unclear just how far the loyai<br />
alty of their MPs stretch.<br />
The current political tension<br />
ALI AL-SAADI/AFP/Getty Images<br />
may have hurt al-Iraqiya further<br />
with 11 politicians already revi<br />
voking their ties to the alliance.<br />
Al-Iraqiya MPs are mindful that<br />
further boycotts or spotlight may<br />
see more positions of power reli<br />
linquished to the powerful Shiite<br />
alliance.<br />
The biggest danger is a coaliti<br />
tion without al-Iraqiya altogether<br />
where al-Maliki musters suppi<br />
port from Kurds and al-Iraqiya<br />
dissidents,a scenario that would<br />
certainly place sectarian tensions<br />
into overdrive. The recent spate<br />
of initiatives toward autonomy by<br />
predominantly Sunni provinces is<br />
an indicator of growing Sunni fear<br />
that preservation of local power<br />
aside, they may be confounded<br />
to a running battle to avoid being<br />
sidelined in Baghdad.<br />
The Kurds, who have attempted<br />
to remain neutral, once again<br />
find themselves with all the aces.<br />
Only with <strong>Kurdish</strong> support could<br />
al-Iraqiya spearhead a new govei<br />
ernment and only with <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
support could al-Maliki be ousted<br />
from <strong>government</strong>.<br />
Logic would dictate that after<br />
many failed promises by al-Mali<br />
liki toward the Kurds, including<br />
the lack of implementation of the<br />
vast majority of conditions that he<br />
signed up to as a prelude to Kurdi<br />
ish support, the Kurds would side<br />
with al-Iraqiya. However, the new<br />
crisis and the key <strong>Kurdish</strong> role of<br />
calming tensions, gives the opporti<br />
tunity for the Kurds to preserve<br />
al-Maliki’s seat and the current<br />
coalition, but no doubt with much<br />
sterner warningsand conditions<br />
for the Shiite Alliance and al-Mali<br />
liki.<br />
The fact remains that all too ofti<br />
ten al-Maliki has boldly reneged<br />
on agreements with Kurds and has<br />
simply gotten away with it, even<br />
as the Kurds have saved al-Mali<br />
liki’s political skin on more than<br />
one occasion. The issue of dispi<br />
puted territories remains as open<br />
and pertinent as ever, Baghdad<br />
remains at loggerheads with the<br />
Kurds on oil sharing, and Baghdi<br />
dad has hardly provided a positive<br />
endorsement of growing <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
strategic clout and prosperity. It<br />
is time for the Kurds to use their<br />
aces wisely.<br />
Bashdar Pusho Ismaeel<br />
Weekly paper printed in Erbil<br />
First published in 2005<br />
www.kurdishglobe.net<br />
info.kurdishglobe<br />
@gmail.com<br />
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The <strong>Kurdish</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 3<br />
Key posts set to change in January<br />
<strong>KDP</strong> <strong>confirms</strong> <strong>government</strong> <strong>rotation</strong><br />
Kurdistan Region's two<br />
governing parties are<br />
ready to change key<br />
posts in the <strong>government</strong><br />
this month. Spokesman<br />
of Kurdistan Democi<br />
cratic Party, Jafar Ibrahi<br />
him on Jan. 3 confirmed<br />
that the change in posts<br />
will take place in Januai<br />
ary. He also said <strong>KDP</strong> is<br />
ready to take the post of<br />
prime minister of Kurdi<br />
istan Regional Governmi<br />
ment.<br />
Ibrahim added that the<br />
party’s only candidate<br />
to take that position<br />
is Nechirvan Barzani,<br />
a former KRG prime<br />
minister and <strong>KDP</strong> vice<br />
president. The spokesmi<br />
man said Barzani was<br />
out of the country but<br />
"he will return in comi<br />
ing days."<br />
<strong>KDP</strong>, led by Kurdistan<br />
Region President Massi<br />
soud Barzani and Patrioi<br />
otic Union of Kurdistan,<br />
led by Iraqi President<br />
Jalal Talabani, are tied<br />
according to a strategic<br />
agreements to rotate<br />
high posts in the Region<br />
every two years. After<br />
the two parties won 2009<br />
elections, PUK’s Dr.<br />
Barham Salih took the<br />
position of prime mini<br />
ister and Kamal Kirkuki<br />
from <strong>KDP</strong> became parli<br />
liament speaker.<br />
There were discussi<br />
sions about the <strong>rotation</strong><br />
in September, but Presidi<br />
dent Massoud Barzani<br />
recommended delaying<br />
the issue to early 2012.<br />
The <strong>KDP</strong> spokesmi<br />
man said the post of<br />
the parliament speaker<br />
will also go to someone<br />
from PUK but it hasn’t<br />
suggested a candidate<br />
yet.<br />
On the possibility of<br />
inviting opposition parti<br />
ties to share the governmi<br />
ment after <strong>KDP</strong> takes its<br />
leadership, Ibrahim said<br />
this issue has not been<br />
discussed with the oppi<br />
position parties.<br />
In the former cabini<br />
net of the KRG, when<br />
<strong>KDP</strong>'s Nechirvan Barzi<br />
zani was prime ministi<br />
ter, PUK compromised<br />
its right to take the premi<br />
miership after the first<br />
two years, so Barzani<br />
completed his full term<br />
of 4 years. PUK's compi<br />
promise came due to<br />
internal problems in the<br />
party because of splits<br />
and factions, mainly the<br />
separation of leaders<br />
who later founded Gorri<br />
ran Movement.<br />
<strong>KDP</strong> now insists on<br />
implementing the agreemi<br />
ment with PUK and<br />
aborting expectations of<br />
another compromise, alli<br />
lowing the <strong>KDP</strong> choice<br />
of prime minister to<br />
take the post.<br />
By Ako Muhammed<br />
<strong>KDP</strong> Vice President and incoming Prime Minister, Nechirvan Barzani<br />
PRESS PHOTO<br />
Negotiations on hold in Kurdistan<br />
Opposition insists on preconditions; region’s president asks public opinion<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> parties<br />
emphasize on<br />
maintaining unity as<br />
Iraq goes through a<br />
difficult political<br />
turmoil. But at home,<br />
the three opposition<br />
parties in Kurdistan<br />
Region are refusing<br />
to resume meetings<br />
with the two main<br />
governing parties<br />
unless the way is paved<br />
for such meetings.<br />
The three parties say that<br />
the presidential decrees<br />
have yet to be implementei<br />
ed completely as well<br />
as their reform project.<br />
Therefore, on December<br />
31, they announced they<br />
would not return to the<br />
meetings; this came after<br />
a meeting of leaders of the<br />
three parties.<br />
Kurdistan Region Presidi<br />
dent Massoud Barzani<br />
asked people to comment<br />
on his personal Facebook<br />
page on the oppositions’<br />
stance. Most comments<br />
praise the survey and hope<br />
for unity among <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
parties. But several commi<br />
ments also repeated the<br />
oppositions' demands.<br />
The opposition parties-<br />
-Gorran (Change) Movemi<br />
ment, Kurdistan Islamic<br />
Union and the Islamic<br />
Group in Kurdistan--want<br />
the <strong>government</strong> to fulfill a<br />
number of demands before<br />
The main opposition groups in Kurdistan have boycotted the so called 5-sided Meetings with the <strong>government</strong> parties.<br />
entering another round of<br />
talks. They mostly take a<br />
stance on one of the presidi<br />
dent's decrees, which asks<br />
that anyone suspected of<br />
violence that occurred<br />
during the spring antigovei<br />
ernment demonstrations<br />
be handed over to justice.<br />
On July 11, these three<br />
parties, which together<br />
hold 35 of Parliament's 111<br />
seats, suspended meetings<br />
with governing Kurdistan<br />
Democratic Party and Pati<br />
triotic Union of Kurdistan.<br />
That time they raised four<br />
demands as preconditions.<br />
Submitting accused peopi<br />
ple of February 17 demoi<br />
onstration to court and reallowing<br />
an annual budget<br />
to the three parties were<br />
main demands. On August<br />
27, President Barzani issi<br />
sued four decrees meeting<br />
the oppositions' demands<br />
as a step for reconciliation<br />
among the parties.<br />
Before suspending the<br />
meeting, both sides in<br />
several meetings were disci<br />
cussing a 22-item project<br />
presented by the oppositi<br />
tions for the purpose of<br />
conducting reforms in the<br />
region.<br />
Demonstrations in Suleimi<br />
maniya and in other towns<br />
continued for nearly two<br />
months starting on Febri<br />
ruary 17 last year. There<br />
were demands for reforms<br />
in what appeared to in acci<br />
cord with the Arab Spring.<br />
Ten people were killed and<br />
hundreds were wounded,<br />
mostly from the demonsi<br />
strators.<br />
A few days after the oppi<br />
position leaders' last decisi<br />
sion, the leader of Islamic<br />
Group, Ali Bapir, appeared<br />
again on his Facebook<br />
page with an article desi<br />
scribing the five-side<br />
meetings as "essential, effi<br />
fective and important."<br />
He urged the removal of<br />
obstacles preventing the<br />
meetings from resuming;<br />
thus, he called on governi<br />
ing parties and the governmi<br />
ment to quickly submit to<br />
justice those suspected of<br />
firing at demonstrators as<br />
a step toward resuming<br />
the meetings.<br />
"The <strong>Kurdish</strong> leaders<br />
can play their role only [if<br />
they] are united. Therefi<br />
fore, it is necessary to remi<br />
move the obstacles in the<br />
way of this unity," said<br />
Bapir, emphasizing the<br />
necessity of meetings beti<br />
tween opposition and govei<br />
erning parties.<br />
A politburo member<br />
from Bapir's party, Tofiq<br />
Kareem, admits that the<br />
oppositions' reform projei<br />
ect, also known as the oppi<br />
positions' six packages,<br />
require time to be implemi<br />
mented.<br />
"The oppositions wanted<br />
the negotiations to prodi<br />
duce practical results; for<br />
that we demanded a full<br />
stop to the unstable situai<br />
ation, which means the<br />
PRESS PHOTO<br />
end to chasing and arresti<br />
ing people and submitting<br />
shooters who fired at demoi<br />
onstrators, but no step for<br />
that has been taken," said<br />
Yusif Muhammad, a Gorri<br />
ran leader.<br />
"There are always<br />
grounds to hold meetings.<br />
When we meet we build<br />
grounds for working not<br />
only for the sake of further<br />
talks," said Arez Abdulla,<br />
a PUK leader, in reply<br />
to the oppositions' decisi<br />
sion. He urged both sides<br />
to meet and then discuss<br />
their conditions through<br />
projects they raise. Abdi<br />
dulla admits that some of<br />
the oppositions' demand<br />
and complaints are "vali<br />
id," but without meetings<br />
nothing will be achieved.<br />
"Now is not the right<br />
time to harm the <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
unity," said Firsat Sofi, a<br />
lecturer of politics who<br />
is close to the <strong>KDP</strong>. He<br />
named the current situati<br />
tion in Kurdistan and Iraq<br />
as "crucial and decisive".<br />
The <strong>KDP</strong>, in a New<br />
Year’s announcement, anni<br />
nounced that their efforts<br />
will continue in order to<br />
bring the <strong>Kurdish</strong> parties<br />
together, mainly with its<br />
strategic ally, PUK.<br />
Ako Muhammed<br />
Erbil<br />
ako.kurdishglobe<br />
@gmail.com
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 4<br />
Kurds to stay clear of Iraq sectarian strife<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> President Massoud Barzani has been a outspoken critic of the embattled Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Maliki.<br />
Iraq's Kurds are determi<br />
mined not to get dragged<br />
into a sectarian conflict<br />
over Shi'ite Prime Mini<br />
ister Nuri al-Maliki's<br />
attempted arrest of the<br />
Sunni vice-president,<br />
and the Kurds' leader<br />
said failure to implement<br />
a federal system would<br />
lead to disaster.<br />
Nine years after the<br />
U.S.-led invasion, much<br />
of Iraq is still plagued<br />
by Sunni insurgents and<br />
Shi'ite militias, but Iraqi<br />
Kurdistan has enjoyed<br />
relative peace and prospi<br />
perity after successfully<br />
rising up against Saddi<br />
dam Hussein in 1991 and<br />
achieving federal autonoi<br />
omy under Iraq's 2005<br />
constitution.<br />
Unless their interests<br />
are directly affected, the<br />
Kurds have tried to remi<br />
main largely aloof from<br />
the interminable political<br />
wrangling that has beset<br />
the central <strong>government</strong><br />
in Baghdad, attempting<br />
to act as a mediator to resi<br />
solve potential conflicts.<br />
But Vice President<br />
Tareq al-Hashemi's flight<br />
to Kurdistan last month<br />
after an attempt to arrest<br />
him on accusations of<br />
running death squads has<br />
thrust the Kurds centre<br />
stage in a political drama<br />
that could descend into<br />
sectarian violence.<br />
"I don't want to be<br />
dragged into this,"<br />
Masoud Barzani, presidi<br />
dent of the <strong>Kurdish</strong> regi<br />
gion, told Reuters in an<br />
interview on Wednesday.<br />
"We are not part of the<br />
sectarian struggle that is<br />
there. Of course we are<br />
part of the political disai<br />
agreement and political<br />
struggle, but not of the<br />
sectarian one."<br />
The Kurds have called<br />
for a national conference<br />
to settle the differences<br />
between Maliki and the<br />
cross-sectarian Iraqiya<br />
bloc which is boycotting<br />
parliament and cabinet<br />
meetings, accusing Mali<br />
liki's Shi'ite-led governmi<br />
ment of concentrating<br />
power.<br />
"We are all waiting for<br />
the concerned groups<br />
to reach an agreement<br />
on when and where to<br />
meet," Barzani said.<br />
Barzani said he was<br />
ready to host the conferei<br />
ence, but political sources<br />
said Maliki was against<br />
meeting in the <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
capital Erbil and wanted<br />
the issue of Hashemi<br />
cleared up first.<br />
"If they decide to have<br />
it somewhere else, then<br />
it is up to them, but as<br />
far as we are concerned,<br />
the venue is not a probli<br />
lem," said Barzani, weari<br />
ing traditional <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
costume of khaki baggy<br />
trousers, waistcoat and<br />
cummerbund.<br />
"I believe many of the<br />
concerned groups are not<br />
ready to go to Baghdad,"<br />
he said.<br />
As for the fate of Hashei<br />
emi, "this something that<br />
the judicial system and<br />
the courts have to deci<br />
cide," Barzani said. "We<br />
will not interfere in whatei<br />
ever proceedings the judi<br />
dicial system decides."<br />
Hashemi says he is willi<br />
ing to be tried inside the<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> zone, and insists<br />
a fair trial is not possible<br />
in Baghdad.<br />
OIL DEAL, FEDERAL<br />
SYSTEM<br />
The crisis put the Kurds<br />
in a precarious, but potenti<br />
tially powerful position<br />
as brokers if any political<br />
deal can be reached, and,<br />
if not, both Maliki and<br />
the Iraqiya bloc would<br />
need <strong>Kurdish</strong> backing in<br />
parliament to overcome<br />
the other side.<br />
The Kurds may use this<br />
as leverage to win conci<br />
cessions on their own<br />
strategic interests, such<br />
as control of oil resourcei<br />
es and territories disputei<br />
ed between Baghdad and<br />
Iraqi Kurdistan.<br />
While relatively secure<br />
in the mountains of northei<br />
ern Iraq, the Kurds are<br />
upset by the Baghdad's<br />
failure to resolve the stati<br />
tus of Kirkuk, the city at<br />
the centre of large oil resi<br />
serves, which the Kurdi<br />
ish <strong>government</strong> claims as<br />
part of Kurdistan.<br />
A referendum set in Arti<br />
ticle 140 of the constituti<br />
tion for 2007 has still not<br />
been held.<br />
"We as Kurds we have<br />
opted for a voluntary<br />
union between Arabs and<br />
Kurds and for the system<br />
of governance in Iraq to<br />
be federal. This is a consi<br />
stitutional right therefore<br />
for us and for the people<br />
of Iraq, we support a fedei<br />
eral system in this counti<br />
try," said Barzani who<br />
led <strong>Kurdish</strong> peshmerga<br />
forces fighting Saddam<br />
from 1979 after the death<br />
of his father who fought<br />
Baghdad-rule from the<br />
1940s onwards.<br />
"Preventing the implemi<br />
mentation of constituti<br />
tional articles, this will<br />
lead the country to face<br />
huge problems," he said.<br />
"This will bring about disi<br />
sasters."<br />
With political wrangling<br />
in Baghdad also holding<br />
up a long-awaited law on<br />
the future exploitation of<br />
oil riches, the Kurdistan<br />
<strong>government</strong> has gone<br />
ahead and signed a seri<br />
ries of its own oil deals,<br />
most notably with Exxon<br />
Mobil, much to the anni<br />
noyance of others in the<br />
central <strong>government</strong>.<br />
Barzani said there was<br />
an agreement with Baghdi<br />
dad that each side could<br />
continue signing such<br />
contracts until the oil law<br />
was passed. The Exxon<br />
deal also encompasses<br />
areas whose control is<br />
disputed by Erbil and<br />
Baghdad.<br />
"As for places that are<br />
called disputed territori<br />
ries by others, for us they<br />
are part of the Kurdistan<br />
region," said Barzani. "If<br />
they have got any disai<br />
agreement with this then<br />
let them come and implemi<br />
ment Article 140 as it<br />
says in the constitution."<br />
(Editing by Louise Ireland)<br />
Reuters<br />
Courts to decide on Zakho events<br />
Presidential committee sees "Negligence" and "provocations" committed by local officials<br />
Some media channels<br />
and local officials<br />
seen as the<br />
provocateurs of<br />
events in Duhok<br />
and Zakho that led<br />
to the destruction<br />
of several businesses.<br />
A presidential committi<br />
tee announced a report on<br />
the investigations on the<br />
Duhok and Zakho events,<br />
putting the blame on sevei<br />
eral media channels and<br />
some local officials. In the<br />
mean time, Kurdistan Regi<br />
gion President Massoud<br />
Barzani asks the public to<br />
give their opinion on the<br />
report.<br />
On December 2, a group<br />
of people rushed into street<br />
after Friday prayers and<br />
burned a number of massi<br />
sage centers and liquor<br />
shops in Zakho and later<br />
in other towns in Duhok<br />
province. Late in the night<br />
on the same day, a numbi<br />
ber of offices belonging to<br />
Kurdistan Islamic Union<br />
(KIU) in the province<br />
were burned as well.<br />
The presidential committi<br />
tee says there were provoci<br />
cations by some news<br />
websites and TV channi<br />
nels as well as a number<br />
of KIU members that led<br />
to the torching of liquor<br />
shops. But names of the<br />
media channels weren’t<br />
published. For the events<br />
in general, the committi<br />
tee <strong>confirms</strong> "negligence"<br />
on the part of the security<br />
forces as they were unable<br />
to control the mayhem.<br />
The report adds that Kurdi<br />
istan Democratic Party loci<br />
cal leaders were also "negli<br />
ligent" in stopping party<br />
members from attacking<br />
KIU buildings.<br />
The committee, empi<br />
ployed by President Barzi<br />
zani, didn’t give any clear<br />
conclusion but submits the<br />
issue and their report to<br />
court as the final word. For<br />
detained KIU members,<br />
the committee demands<br />
the court finalize their casei<br />
es. Committee head Azad<br />
Malafandi, a legal advisi<br />
sor to the president, began<br />
visiting and meeting with<br />
relevant sides for three<br />
weeks in Duhok a day afti<br />
ter the events.<br />
On his Facebook page,<br />
President Barzani asks for<br />
comments on the committi<br />
tee's report and also on<br />
opposition parties' boycott<br />
of meetings with governi<br />
ing parties. Thousands of<br />
comments were published,<br />
most of them about the<br />
second issue. Generally,<br />
commentators praise the<br />
President's survey more<br />
than the committee’s repi<br />
port.<br />
Hussein Balisani, a univi<br />
versity law lecturer, told<br />
the <strong>Globe</strong> that there is no<br />
need for such a committee<br />
to investigate the case. "In<br />
burning issues, the courts<br />
are competent enough," he<br />
said.<br />
Another lecturer, Abdulfi<br />
fatah AbdulRazaq, said<br />
that the court couldn’t<br />
count on a report by such<br />
a committee he called "illi<br />
legal." He sees the report<br />
as "not neutral," although<br />
it keeps some balance<br />
between accusations exci<br />
changed by both KIU and<br />
<strong>KDP</strong>.
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 5<br />
During New Year celebrations,<br />
Kurds and Arabs joined together<br />
Despite the rain, Erbil’s Shanadar<br />
Park hosted thousands<br />
Erbil, the capital of<br />
Kurdistan Region,<br />
hosted around 30,000<br />
foreign and internal<br />
tourists for the New<br />
Year celebrations.<br />
Colorful light<br />
displays and<br />
fireworks were part<br />
of the festivities.<br />
Despite the rain,<br />
people in Kurdistan<br />
took to the streets<br />
to welcome 2012.<br />
Thousands gathered in Erbi<br />
bil’s Shanadar Park to enji<br />
joy dancing, celebrations<br />
and a fireworks display at<br />
midnight.<br />
“There wasn’t a single<br />
incident in Erbil during<br />
the New Year parties,” Abdi<br />
dulkhaliq Tala’t, chief of<br />
Erbil Police Directorate,<br />
told The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong>.<br />
The police had a security<br />
plan in place to keep the<br />
city under control in case<br />
of any problems. The plan<br />
was apparently a success.<br />
Tala’t said police forces<br />
performed well and acted<br />
according to the plan. He<br />
said hundreds of police<br />
were deployed across the<br />
city in case of terrorist atti<br />
tacks.<br />
“Police forces were in a<br />
state of emergency from<br />
Dec. 22 to provide securiti<br />
ty for people for the night<br />
of celebrations [New Year<br />
parties],” Tala’t told the<br />
<strong>Globe</strong>. According to informi<br />
mation from Suleimaniyi<br />
ya’s hospital, 20 people<br />
were injured in different<br />
incidents during New Year<br />
celebrations.<br />
Kurds and Arabs<br />
celebrated together<br />
While people in other<br />
parts of Iraq decided on<br />
an early night because of<br />
the rain, Kurds and Arabs<br />
in Kurdistan saw the New<br />
Year in together.<br />
At the festivities in Shani<br />
nadar Park, the smoke and<br />
explosions were not from<br />
terrorist attacks, but from<br />
the fireworks show.<br />
Rad Abdullah, his wife<br />
Swailah, and their childi<br />
dren, an Arab family, visitei<br />
ed Erbil to join in the New<br />
Year celebrations. They<br />
wished better days for Iraq<br />
and Kurdistan in 2012.<br />
“My family is very happy<br />
tonight. We all feel comfi<br />
fortable and are having a<br />
good time. It is a chance to<br />
partake safely in the parti<br />
ties and fireworks. Thank<br />
God Iraqis have a place<br />
[Erbil] to have fun and enji<br />
joy themselves,” said Rad<br />
Abdullah.<br />
He said his family<br />
planned a week ahead to<br />
come to Erbil. “There are<br />
also some celebrations<br />
for greeting the New Year<br />
in Baghdad, but no one<br />
dares to go to the parties<br />
because of the fear of terri<br />
rorist attacks. Then, all the<br />
joy turns to explosions and<br />
blood,” he said.<br />
Elas Mosana, also an<br />
Arab, was accompanied<br />
by his wife and children.<br />
He parked his car near<br />
Shanadar Park and was<br />
watching the firework dispi<br />
play. Mosana and his fami<br />
ily came from Diwaniya, a<br />
province in southern Iraq.<br />
It was their first visit to<br />
Erbil. They were surprised<br />
by the changes in Kurdisti<br />
tan since 2003 compared<br />
with other parts of Iraq.<br />
“For years, the Iraqi peopi<br />
ple were constant victims<br />
of bad policies and sectari<br />
ian conflicts between Shii<br />
ites and Sunnis. Developmi<br />
ments are obvious in the<br />
Region, and now I guess<br />
it is not so strange when<br />
we hear foreign media<br />
call Kurdistan ‘The Other<br />
Iraq,’” Mosana said.<br />
Salih Waladbagi<br />
Erbil<br />
salihas2006<br />
@gmail.com<br />
Fireworks during the New Year’s celebrations in downtown Erbil, Jan. 1, 2012<br />
GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed<br />
The Traveler<br />
“Politicians: The main reason for<br />
conflict” — Orhan Coral<br />
Professor Orhan Coral is<br />
a Turkish traveler, born<br />
in 1950. He recently visi<br />
ited Kurdistan Region after<br />
touring 226 countries. He<br />
told The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong><br />
Kurdistan is one of the<br />
places in which he feels<br />
comfortable. He has some<br />
concerns about Kurdistan<br />
and its people, even though<br />
he noticed many positives<br />
in <strong>Kurdish</strong> society.<br />
Advocating<br />
environmental protection<br />
Coral has made eight televi<br />
vision shows in Turkey on<br />
ecology and the impact of<br />
environment on human bei<br />
ings and vice versa. He has<br />
also managed 3,000 conferei<br />
ences on ecology and effi<br />
fects on the environment.<br />
He is staunchly against<br />
cigarettes and influenced<br />
the president of Bhutan to<br />
ban smoking in the country.<br />
During his first two days in<br />
Kurdistan, Coral held two<br />
seminars at Erbil’s Ishk<br />
University to warn students<br />
about the dangers of cigari<br />
rettes.<br />
Some concerns<br />
“People of Kurdistan<br />
are very respectful, warm<br />
and hospitable. However,<br />
Kurds, like Turkish people,<br />
are gluttonous and eat more<br />
than necessary,” he said.<br />
He believes if people only<br />
eat as much as they need,<br />
there will be enough food<br />
to feed everyone.<br />
He also urged the people<br />
of Kurdistan not to buy luxui<br />
ury cars and not to waste<br />
money.<br />
Coral leaves Turkey at the<br />
end of each year. He wants<br />
to raise awareness around<br />
the world about needlessly<br />
spending money and fritti<br />
tering away their wealth.<br />
He told the <strong>Globe</strong> he wants<br />
to write a travel book about<br />
Kurdistan and its customs,<br />
culture and people.<br />
Friendship of nations<br />
Coral’s main reason for<br />
travel is to study and experi<br />
rience the culture and custi<br />
toms of different nations of<br />
the world up close.<br />
The main things he<br />
learned during his travels<br />
are friendship and peaceful<br />
coexistence of nations. He<br />
added “there is no dispute<br />
between different nations,<br />
instead smuggling weapoi<br />
ons and tricks of politicians<br />
are the main causes of dispi<br />
putes and conflicts between<br />
peaceful coexisting nati<br />
tions.” He also expressed<br />
his dislike of politics.<br />
Coral recalls how he was<br />
eager to travel to find out<br />
more about people. “When<br />
I was in primary school, I<br />
told my mother that I was<br />
already grown but hadn’t<br />
visited another country,”<br />
he said. He has written 13<br />
travel books on his travels<br />
to 226 countries.<br />
At the end of his intervi<br />
view, Coral encouraged the<br />
people of Kurdistan to visit<br />
other places in the world<br />
because he thinks this is<br />
a good way to form links<br />
among different nations to<br />
be familiar with each other.<br />
He believes this helps previ<br />
vent spreading “racism”<br />
and calls on people to live<br />
peacefully.<br />
Coral is head of the Mines<br />
Engineering Department<br />
at Technical University of<br />
Istanbul. He is also chairmi<br />
man of a civil society orgi<br />
ganization to protect the<br />
environment. He owns a<br />
travel company in Turkey.<br />
Coral is also a professionai<br />
al photographer and has<br />
held exhibitions in several<br />
countries. Orhan also is<br />
filmmaker and a critic of<br />
cinema and theater. In addi<br />
dition to Turkish, he also<br />
speaks English, Italian and<br />
German fluently.<br />
By Salih Waladbagi
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 6<br />
Gridlock worsens in Suleimaniya<br />
No relief on the<br />
horizon as traffic<br />
on Suleimaniya’s<br />
city streets comes<br />
to a screeching<br />
halt on most days.<br />
Despite the bad conditions<br />
of Suleimaniya city streets<br />
and the fact that most of the<br />
streets in the city are very<br />
narrow, the number of vehi<br />
hicles flowing into the city<br />
is increasing rapidly on a<br />
daily basis. The result is<br />
a huge traffic problem in<br />
Suleimaniya both on the<br />
main streets and in city<br />
neighborhoods.<br />
The main rush hours in<br />
the city include 08:00 to<br />
09:00 a.m., when business<br />
starts and offices open; the<br />
two early afternoon hours<br />
are between 01:00 p.m.<br />
till 03:00 p.m. when most<br />
of the <strong>government</strong> offices<br />
close, and the early eveni<br />
ning hours before sunset<br />
when a majority of people<br />
are heading home. During<br />
these hours the city streets<br />
are almost completely<br />
blocked.<br />
Officer Bakhtiyar Mohi<br />
hammed, a traffic police<br />
officer at the Media Depi<br />
partment of Suleimaniya<br />
Traffic Police Directorate,<br />
stated in an interview with<br />
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> that<br />
the traffic situation in the<br />
city is terrible and worsei<br />
ening daily. “The streets’<br />
infrastructure should be<br />
improved in parallel with<br />
the developments of the<br />
traffic sector,” Mohammi<br />
med told the <strong>Globe</strong>. “And<br />
“People’s lives and safety” threatened by lack of traffic control<br />
A traffic police officer fills out an accident form for a traffic accident in Erbil. File photo.<br />
they should meet the<br />
needs and expectations of<br />
the public.”<br />
Major traffic problems<br />
in Suleimaniya occur in<br />
areas such as Azadi Park<br />
Street, Kareza Wshk<br />
Street, Zargata Highway,<br />
some streets in Bakhtiyari<br />
Quarter and others. Acci<br />
cording to Mohammed,<br />
besides the huge traffic<br />
in these areas, in some of<br />
the intersections in those<br />
streets there are no traffi<br />
fic lights and there is lack<br />
of sufficient traffic police<br />
to control the situation,<br />
something that has “made<br />
the problem more serious<br />
and results in traffic accidi<br />
dents and threatens peopi<br />
ple’s lives and safety.”<br />
Officer Mohammed also<br />
argues that when law is in<br />
place there will be no need<br />
for traffic police to control<br />
everywhere, “for instance<br />
the right hand law should<br />
work automatically withoi<br />
out an officer enforcing<br />
it. Besides, it is impossi<br />
sible to put an officer in<br />
every intersection of the<br />
city.” Right side law frees<br />
drivers not to stop at cross<br />
roads; they just pass at the<br />
right side.<br />
Despite the fact that there<br />
are currently six overpassei<br />
es and four underpasses<br />
on the main streets in Suli<br />
leimaniya, the traffic is<br />
still a major issue in the<br />
city and on 60 Meter Ring<br />
Road, which is outside the<br />
city and is supposed to be<br />
a high speed road. Someti<br />
times traffic on this street<br />
is not much different than<br />
other streets downtown.<br />
Shamal Ali, a taxi driver,<br />
says that sometimes he<br />
decides to use 60 Meter<br />
Ring Road to escape the<br />
city center’s traffic, but he<br />
realized this is no longer a<br />
useful alternative.<br />
While overpasses and<br />
underpasses constructed<br />
in the city have helped<br />
reduce the traffic in Suleimi<br />
maniya, they have always<br />
faced problems; the Khasri<br />
raw Khal Overpass facing<br />
the Rand Gallery is curri<br />
rently under construction.<br />
Recently, the Suleimaniyi<br />
ya Municipality decided to<br />
construct more overpasses<br />
and underpasses, but acci<br />
cording to Sheikh Azad<br />
Naqshbandi, Chair of the<br />
Traffic Committee at the<br />
Suleimaniya Municipality.<br />
He said that these projects<br />
are currently on hold due<br />
to lack of sufficient funds.<br />
Figures at the Directorai<br />
ate General of Traffic<br />
Police reveal that there<br />
are currently 1.43 million<br />
vehicles in Kurdistan Regi<br />
gion, 250,000 of which<br />
are inside the center of<br />
Suleimaniya. Every day<br />
some 1,000 cars are impi<br />
ported into the region, 140<br />
of which are brought into<br />
Suleimaniya.<br />
Meanwhile, the region’s<br />
authorities have granted<br />
one million driver’s lici<br />
censes all throughout<br />
Kurdistan Region.Halkawt<br />
Abdulla, a traffic and road<br />
expert, complains about<br />
having two different systi<br />
tems for licensing in Suli<br />
leimaniya and Erbil, and<br />
he also thinks that there<br />
are many shortcomings in<br />
the system. “In my opini<br />
ion, 70% of license holdei<br />
ers know how to drive but<br />
are ignorant how to deal<br />
with other drivers, as they<br />
do not abide by the traffic<br />
laws, they drive fast and<br />
they do not respect road<br />
signs,” stated Abdulla in a<br />
<strong>Globe</strong> interview.<br />
But statistics show that<br />
the number of traffic-acci<br />
cident victims in 2011 was<br />
lower than that of 2010. In<br />
2011, a total of 758 people<br />
died and 8,817 were inji<br />
jured in traffic accidents,<br />
while in 2010 total deaths<br />
were 817 and injuries were<br />
12,000.<br />
Speaking of the negati<br />
tive aspects of traffic<br />
and increased number<br />
of vehicles in Kurdistan,<br />
Abdulla mentioned that<br />
the increased traffic and<br />
number of cars is having<br />
a serious impact on the<br />
environment.“In many<br />
countries, the exhausts<br />
of vehicles are equipped<br />
with a filter that filters the<br />
poisonous and harmful<br />
elements,” explained Abdi<br />
dulla. “However, majority<br />
of vehicles imported into<br />
Kurdistan are not equipped<br />
with this filter.”<br />
Director Nassir Hassan tells about his projects<br />
GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed<br />
GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed<br />
Nassir Hassan, <strong>Kurdish</strong> filmmaker<br />
In an interview with The<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong>, Nassir<br />
Hassan, a famous Kurdi<br />
ish filmmaker and the formi<br />
mer General Directorate<br />
of Cinema at the Ministry<br />
of Culture and Youth, disci<br />
cussed closing the directi<br />
torate in 2012 and his work<br />
in the future.<br />
<strong>Globe</strong>: What are reasons<br />
behind closing the Directi<br />
torate of Cinema?<br />
Nassir: Closing the Diri<br />
rectorate of Cinema makes<br />
me anxious because cinei<br />
ema works are still in the<br />
early stages.We have many<br />
successful productions that<br />
participated in internationai<br />
al festivals. I hope the Mini<br />
istry will have a successful<br />
plan for cinema production<br />
and moviemakers.<br />
<strong>Globe</strong>: Why has this diri<br />
rectorate lasted only two<br />
years? Was it careless in its<br />
duties or were there other<br />
reasons?<br />
Nassir: I think we did<br />
our best. There are many<br />
finished works to be menti<br />
tioned; for instance, we<br />
produced 75 short films<br />
and 15 feature films. And<br />
we conducted many film<br />
festivals all over Kurdistan<br />
cities.<br />
<strong>Globe</strong>: Why is there nopi<br />
proper cinema hall in Erbi<br />
bil? Did you request the<br />
<strong>government</strong> to build a new<br />
hall?<br />
Nassir: Actually we suggi<br />
gested building a cinema<br />
hall two year ago, and then<br />
the KRG contacted compi<br />
panies. But still, there is no<br />
hall in Erbil.<br />
<strong>Globe</strong>: Are you going<br />
to take any position after<br />
closing this directorate?<br />
Nassir: From now on, I<br />
will dedicate my time with<br />
art and never take any admi<br />
ministrative position.<br />
<strong>Globe</strong>: What art? What is<br />
your new production?<br />
Nassir: I am preparing to<br />
direct Kirkuk 4,The Biogri<br />
raphy of Ali Mardan and<br />
Abdul-Kareem Qasim’s<br />
Biography.<br />
<strong>Globe</strong>:You mentioned<br />
the drama Kirkuk 4, when<br />
will it be finished and<br />
screened?<br />
Nassir: The drama Kirkuk<br />
4 consists of four parts<br />
within 30 series. It talks<br />
about the history of Kirkuk<br />
from 1979 to 2003, showi<br />
ing all political and social<br />
changes in the city. I have<br />
finished the artwork of the<br />
first part. If the first part is<br />
successful, I will continue<br />
the rest. The Ministry deci<br />
cides on which channel to<br />
broadcast the film.<br />
<strong>Globe</strong>: In your other artwi<br />
works you referred to Abdi<br />
dul-Kareem Qasim’s Biogri<br />
raphy; what it is about?<br />
Nassir: This drama is<br />
about Abdul-Kareem Qasi<br />
sim’s life and his political<br />
work. And also it has some<br />
scenes of Erbil, Suleimaniyi<br />
ya and Kirkuk. Arabic is<br />
the language of the movie.<br />
<strong>Globe</strong>: A cinema festival<br />
under the name of Stop<br />
Violence Against Females<br />
was held in Erbil. After it<br />
was over, some said sevei<br />
eral of the films might win<br />
awards, but they didn’t.<br />
What is your precise commi<br />
ment?<br />
Nassir: This festival was<br />
like a workshop. The aim of<br />
this festival was to convey<br />
messages through the presi<br />
sented films. Awards were<br />
not a measurement for the<br />
success of the works. The<br />
contributors need to think<br />
of improving their future<br />
works instead of busying<br />
themselves with winning<br />
awards.
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 7<br />
Government to close unlicensed<br />
pharmacies and clinics<br />
Some fear more pressure on hospitals<br />
As part of efforts to<br />
revamp Kurdistan’s<br />
health system, more<br />
than 4,000 illegal<br />
pharmacies and<br />
unlicensed<br />
neighborhood clinics<br />
will be closed down,<br />
said Khalis Qadir,<br />
spokesman for<br />
Kurdistan’s Ministry<br />
of Health.<br />
“Our teams are working<br />
now to close down the illi<br />
legal pharmacies,” said Qadi<br />
dir. “The pharmacies have<br />
to work according to the<br />
law from now on.” He said<br />
only pharmacists should<br />
run pharmacies and that it<br />
is up to the Syndicate of<br />
Pharmacists to ensure pharmi<br />
macies adhere to the new<br />
guidelines.<br />
Qadir said the sale of<br />
drugs by persons other than<br />
trained pharmacists will be<br />
“harmful” as many individui<br />
uals have been affected by<br />
improper prescriptions and<br />
use of drugs.<br />
The <strong>government</strong> has notifi<br />
fied pharmaceutical compi<br />
panies and wholesalers not<br />
to sell drugs to unlicensed<br />
neighborhood pharmacies<br />
and clinics. Only the graduai<br />
ates of pharmacy schools<br />
and assistant pharmacists<br />
will be allowed to set up<br />
pharmacies and they will<br />
only dispense medicine to<br />
patients based on prescripti<br />
tions from doctors.<br />
Some citizens are unhappi<br />
py with the <strong>government</strong>’s<br />
decision.<br />
Zardasht Mirza believes<br />
neighborhood clinics and<br />
pharmacies are necessary<br />
because “without these<br />
clinics, we will need to go<br />
to doctors and there will be<br />
a lot more pressure on hospi<br />
pitals.”<br />
Neighborhood clinics and<br />
pharmacies in Kurdistan<br />
are generally run by medici<br />
cal staff such as physicians’<br />
assistants, not licensed physi<br />
sicians or pharmacists.<br />
Barzan Abu Zed Ali, diri<br />
rector of East Emergency<br />
Hospital in Erbil, says the<br />
closure of neighborhood<br />
pharmacies and clinics will<br />
not increase the burden on<br />
emergency rooms at hospiti<br />
tals.<br />
The head of the Syndici<br />
cate of Health Professionai<br />
als, Zana Khalid, said his<br />
organization will oppose<br />
any <strong>government</strong> decision to<br />
close down neighborhood<br />
clinics and pharmacies opei<br />
erated by health professionai<br />
als. He said according to<br />
the ministry’s instructions,<br />
health professionals have<br />
the right to have private<br />
health-related businesses<br />
after completing their hours<br />
at <strong>government</strong> hospitals.<br />
It is mandatory for health<br />
professionals in Kurdistan<br />
have to serve in <strong>government</strong><br />
health institutions but they<br />
can have their own busini<br />
nesses in their free time.<br />
By Salih Waladbagi<br />
A pharmacist arranges medicine in his pharmacy in Erbil. File photo.<br />
GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed<br />
Rising generator fees compound<br />
electricity problems<br />
Reduced national power supply increased costs<br />
Complaints about<br />
increasing monthly<br />
back-up generator<br />
fees have increased<br />
in Kurdistan<br />
Region in the first<br />
month of 2012.<br />
Due to the reduced national<br />
power supply since late Deci<br />
cember 2011, the owners<br />
of the back-up generators<br />
supplying power when grid<br />
power is off have raised<br />
their fees significantly and<br />
have set a record-breaking<br />
rate of 10,750 Iraqi dinars<br />
(approximately $9) per ampi<br />
pere per month.<br />
The news was shocking to<br />
residents of Erbil and they<br />
raised their voice of protest<br />
and the Committee on the<br />
Follow Up of Private Genei<br />
erators was informed about<br />
the situation.<br />
The committee organized<br />
a joint press conference<br />
with authorities from the<br />
Kurdistan Regional Govei<br />
ernment’s Ministry of Electi<br />
tricity to give some clarifici<br />
cation to an angry public.<br />
Though it did not change<br />
the rate, it explained duri<br />
ing the press conference<br />
that 2,000 ID of the 10,750<br />
ID was for December 2011<br />
which was not collected befi<br />
fore the end of the year.<br />
Committee chairman Qari<br />
raman Mawlood said the<br />
January rates were set to<br />
8,750 ID per amp per month<br />
for supplying electricity to<br />
households for seven and a<br />
half hours per day.<br />
Regarding the 2,000 ID<br />
charge, Mawlood says this<br />
is the fee for the supply of<br />
December that compensatei<br />
ed the hours during which<br />
national electricity supply<br />
was cut.<br />
“If people were informed<br />
about this issue in advance,<br />
I believe this misundersi<br />
standing and escalation<br />
would not have happened,”<br />
explained Mawlood in a<br />
<strong>Globe</strong> interview.<br />
“I have never paid 43,000<br />
ID for 4 amps of electrici<br />
ity,” said a street vendor<br />
who was selling vegetables<br />
and fruit a few hundred<br />
meters from the Erbil Govei<br />
ernorate building. “This is<br />
not to mention the national<br />
electricity charges, house<br />
rent, food and clothing for<br />
our children.”<br />
A woman in black who<br />
was buying tomatoes from<br />
the vendor said the govei<br />
ernment is acting against<br />
the poor instead of helping<br />
them out.<br />
Suleiman Aziz, a journali<br />
ist who reports on people’s<br />
daily problems, says the<br />
public should not pay for<br />
the <strong>government</strong>’s actions<br />
and inabilities.<br />
“The <strong>government</strong> was<br />
supposed to supply electrici<br />
ity to the public, but now as<br />
it cannot, it should provide<br />
fuel to generator owners to<br />
remove the burden from the<br />
people and prevent them<br />
from paying higher chargei<br />
es,” said Aziz.<br />
Mawlood, on the other<br />
hand, says the <strong>government</strong><br />
supplies subsidized fuel to<br />
generator owners to control<br />
the prices and that it has inci<br />
creased the amount of fuel<br />
since February 2011 and it<br />
has had a significant positi<br />
tive impact.<br />
“We are currently distribui<br />
uting fuel twice a month,<br />
and the governorate is tryi<br />
ing to persuade the Council<br />
of Ministers to further inci<br />
crease the amount of subsidi<br />
dized fuel for generators,”<br />
stated Mawlood.<br />
This effort by the govei<br />
ernment comes at a time<br />
when the KRG Ministry of<br />
Natural Resources failed to<br />
provide Ministry of Electi<br />
tricity with sufficient fuel<br />
for power production that<br />
resulted in reduced national<br />
power supply.<br />
Mawlood admitted it canni<br />
not do anything to reduce<br />
the 10,750 ID for January,<br />
but he was optimistic that<br />
the governorate’s effort is<br />
most likely to work and<br />
prices would go down in<br />
February.<br />
However, the problem is<br />
not the same everywhere<br />
in Erbil, as some neighbi<br />
borhoods have better relay<br />
stations installed that bear<br />
higher loads and do not enci<br />
counter problems frequentli<br />
ly. Some of those neighbi<br />
borhoods get 20 hours of<br />
national power per day and<br />
the remaining four hours is<br />
covered by back-up genei<br />
erators, for which they are<br />
charged only 500 ID, while<br />
some other neighborhoods<br />
have exhausted power netwi<br />
works and their supply is<br />
turned off from time to time<br />
to prevent faults, which<br />
means they need more<br />
back-up power, and they<br />
need to pay more.<br />
To solve this issue, Yassi<br />
sin Siddiq, director of Erbil<br />
Power Distribution Directi<br />
torate, says that a tender to<br />
purchase 73 relay stations<br />
has been approved though<br />
the governorate, and that<br />
the project is being implemi<br />
mented.<br />
This comes at a time when<br />
103 relay stations in Erbil<br />
are faulty.<br />
During sessions of the<br />
Kurdistan Parliament regi<br />
garding the 2011 budget,<br />
Parliament decided the<br />
revenues of the Ministry of<br />
Electricity would be used<br />
for the ministry itself to<br />
solve electricity problems<br />
and develop the electrici<br />
ity infrastructure in the<br />
Region. Parliament also<br />
allocated the largest share<br />
in the budget to electrici<br />
ity ministry projects of 603<br />
billion ID (approximately<br />
$500 million).<br />
Despite this, electricity is<br />
still an issue in the Region<br />
and majority of problems<br />
are still unresolved.
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 8<br />
Wanted official appears in TV interview<br />
Former chief of Kurdistan<br />
Democratic Party’s fourth<br />
branch in Suleimaniya,<br />
Hiwa Ahmed, appeared<br />
in an interview on Zagros<br />
TV channel explaining his<br />
and his party's stance on<br />
demonstrations from Feb.<br />
17, 2011. Ahmed, who is<br />
wanted by the courts, expi<br />
pressed his readiness to<br />
go to court to defended<br />
his innocence.<br />
In the interview with<br />
the pro-<strong>KDP</strong> Zagros TV,<br />
Ahmed remarked he nevei<br />
er ordered the shooting of<br />
demonstrators and what<br />
they did on that day was<br />
"self-defense."<br />
In February 2011, anti<strong>government</strong><br />
demonstrati<br />
tors attacked the <strong>KDP</strong><br />
office in Suleimaniya;<br />
a demonstrator was<br />
killed and more than 10<br />
people were wounded<br />
when guards and security<br />
forces attempted to scatti<br />
ter crowds. Demonstrati<br />
tions continued for two<br />
months in Suleimaniya’s<br />
Sara Square and in other<br />
towns. More than 10<br />
Hiwa Ahmed ready to go to court when his party tells him to<br />
died and hundreds were<br />
wounded in the demonsi<br />
strations.<br />
Ahmed explained that<br />
they never expected to be<br />
targeted in that demonsi<br />
stration and they were goi<br />
ing about their daily busini<br />
ness. "We were inside and<br />
had a guest" when people<br />
gathered in front of the<br />
office, he said.<br />
Concerning the young<br />
man, Rezhwan Ali, who<br />
was killed in front of the<br />
office, Ahmed said he<br />
and Rezhwan were both<br />
"victims" of that violi<br />
lence. "Rezhwan lost his<br />
life and I am damaged<br />
internally," said Ahmed.<br />
He described the death of<br />
the young man as an "acci<br />
cident" they didn’t want<br />
to happen.<br />
Ahmed admitted that<br />
his office’s guards were<br />
shooting to disperse demoi<br />
onstrators and they didn’t<br />
intend to kill anyone.<br />
"Why did the guards carry<br />
weapons? Why did they<br />
have bullets in their guns?<br />
To defend themselves and<br />
the places they guard,"<br />
noted Ahmed, justifying<br />
the guards firing on the<br />
crowd as resistance and<br />
defense. "I never ordered<br />
the shooting."<br />
The guards acted wisely<br />
when they stayed inside<br />
the building, said Ahmed,<br />
explaining that confronti<br />
ing the demonstrators<br />
or any attempt to evacuai<br />
ate the office could have<br />
resulted in more bloodsi<br />
shed.<br />
Regarding the arrest<br />
warrant, Ahmed said he<br />
will go to court and he<br />
will "return clean" and inni<br />
nocent. But he awaits the<br />
<strong>KDP</strong> leadership's decision<br />
for him when to surrender<br />
to the warrant.<br />
He said his case is not<br />
personal but is a "<strong>KDP</strong> affi<br />
fair" and he acts however<br />
the party orders him to.<br />
Ahmed also denied a<br />
media report that he had<br />
accused members of Pati<br />
triotic Union of Kurdisti<br />
tan, <strong>KDP</strong>'s ally, for provi<br />
voking attackers on the<br />
Suleimaniya branch; he<br />
said that only the court<br />
can find who was responsi<br />
sible.<br />
Kurdistan Region Presidi<br />
dent Massoud Barzani,<br />
also president of <strong>KDP</strong>, issi<br />
sued four presidential deci<br />
crees late August, one of<br />
them ordering for the arri<br />
rest of suspects who may<br />
have caused the violence.<br />
Barzani's decrees came<br />
as a concession to Kurdi<br />
istan Region's opposition<br />
parties, which put the arri<br />
rests of those responsible<br />
for the violence as a condi<br />
dition for resuming meeti<br />
ings with the governing<br />
parties.<br />
After the demonstrati<br />
tions, opposition and govei<br />
erning parties met several<br />
times, aiming to resolve<br />
political problems and to<br />
seek reforms in the politici<br />
cal process. The meetings<br />
were stopped because the<br />
conditions were not yet<br />
met, according to oppositi<br />
tion parties’ statements.<br />
By Ako Muhammed<br />
Former chief of Kurdistan Democratic Party’s fourth branch in Sulleimaniya,<br />
Hiwa Ahmed<br />
Gorran chairman discusses political situation<br />
Nawshirwan Mustafa: Independent committee can solve issues between Erbil and Baghdad<br />
PRESS PHOTO<br />
In an interview with KNN<br />
satellite channel, Nawsi<br />
shirwan Mustafa, chairmi<br />
man of Gorran (Change)<br />
Movement, discussed the<br />
political situation in Iraq<br />
and Kurdistan Region.<br />
Mustafa says the U.S<br />
<strong>government</strong> removed a<br />
dictator and, as a result,<br />
many people’s lives impi<br />
proved. Democratic electi<br />
tions were held, a new<br />
constitution was drafted<br />
in which human rights<br />
were a focus, and econi<br />
nomic sanctions on the<br />
country were lifted. But<br />
after the U.S. troop withdi<br />
drawal from Iraq, several<br />
issues still remain outsi<br />
standing.<br />
Despite the improvemi<br />
ments, Mustafa thinks the<br />
U.S. left a country that<br />
still suffers from serious<br />
problems. "Iraq is still a<br />
sectarian country and is<br />
one of the countries that<br />
comes first as far as corri<br />
ruption is concerned. The<br />
<strong>government</strong> hasn't been<br />
able so far to provide<br />
general services, like<br />
water and electricity; it<br />
hasn't created enough job<br />
opportunities, especially<br />
for the young people."<br />
PRESS PHOTO<br />
Nawshirwan Mustafa during an interview with the KNN TV channel, Jan. 2, 2012.<br />
More importantly, Musti<br />
tafa says, the U.S. has<br />
left Iraq with several confi<br />
flicts; conflicts between<br />
Shiites and Sunnis, and<br />
disputes between Kurds<br />
and the federal governmi<br />
ment.<br />
"Since Kurdistan is still<br />
part of Iraq, if any events,<br />
whether related to terror<br />
or corruption take place,<br />
they will affect Kurdisti<br />
tan Region as well. We<br />
still have problems with<br />
the central <strong>government</strong><br />
in Baghdad concerni<br />
ing power, property and<br />
wealth," he said.<br />
Concerning the existing<br />
problems between Shii<br />
ites and Sunnis, Mustafa<br />
says most of the time,<br />
Kurds play a mediation<br />
role; whenever Sunnis<br />
and Shiites are at peace,<br />
Kurds are the creators of<br />
the peace.<br />
"I believe Kurds have<br />
to bring their issues up<br />
while trying to solve the<br />
Sunni and Shiite issues.<br />
Kurds need to use these<br />
chances by relating their<br />
issues with other Iraqi<br />
general problems aimi<br />
ing to find solutions for<br />
them," noted Mustafa.<br />
In Mustafa's view,<br />
Kurds haven’t benefited<br />
from playing mediation<br />
role between Sunnis and<br />
Shiites, but on the conti<br />
trary, some Arabs think<br />
the Kurds like deepening<br />
the problems between<br />
Sunnis and Shiites.<br />
When asked if Kurds<br />
are closer to Shiites or<br />
Sunnis, Mustafa said, "It<br />
depends on the time. In<br />
the past, when the Baath<br />
Party was ruling Iraq,<br />
Kurds and Shiites were<br />
thinking similarly. They<br />
both attempted to topple<br />
the regime and found<br />
a federal <strong>government</strong>.<br />
But with the passage of<br />
time, Shiites changed<br />
their views because they<br />
are the first power in the<br />
country. I believe it is not<br />
in our favor to take sides<br />
but we need to deal with<br />
both sides equally."<br />
Although Kurds have<br />
been having power and<br />
authority problems with<br />
Shiites, and property and<br />
land issues with Sunnis,<br />
according to Mustafa,<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> political leaders<br />
have tried to take highranking<br />
posts and control<br />
finances; they haven't<br />
been able to return any of<br />
areas that have been atti<br />
tached to Arab areas back<br />
to Kurdistan Region.<br />
In Mustafa's perspecti<br />
tive, Kurds can solve<br />
their problems with the<br />
Iraqi federal <strong>government</strong><br />
if they change their relati<br />
tionship with the central<br />
<strong>government</strong> from politici<br />
cal parties' relations to<br />
national ones.<br />
"Kurds have taken high<br />
posts and obtained their<br />
share in the Iraqi resourcei<br />
es but I don't think if we<br />
have been allowed to<br />
share in making political<br />
decisions. In the past, we<br />
also had the same probli<br />
lem."<br />
Because Kurdistan has<br />
independent committees,<br />
like the Integrity Commi<br />
mittee and Human Rights<br />
Committee, which are<br />
responsible for finance<br />
issues and human rights,<br />
Mustafa thinks an indepi<br />
pendent committee also<br />
can be formed and be in<br />
charge of negotiations<br />
between Kurdistan Regi<br />
gion and the Iraqi centi<br />
tral <strong>government</strong>, observi<br />
ing and following up the<br />
works of Kurds' officials<br />
in the Iraqi <strong>government</strong><br />
and Parliament.<br />
By Zakaria Muhammed
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 9<br />
Iraq’s factional chaos threatens to<br />
disrupt a <strong>Kurdish</strong> haven<br />
GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed<br />
People celebrate the New Year in downtown Erbil, Dec. 31, 2011.<br />
By Tim Arango<br />
The New York Times<br />
For the Kurds here in this<br />
ancient city, the rewards of<br />
war are numerous and obvi<br />
vious. Construction cranes<br />
rise from the cityscape.<br />
Highway medians are<br />
green with shrubbery. A<br />
glittering shopping mall<br />
with an indoor ice skating<br />
rink stands as a totem of<br />
American-style consumeri<br />
ism. The only blast walls in<br />
sight are those that protect<br />
the regional parliament,<br />
decorated by sunflowers<br />
painted in muted shades of<br />
yellow.<br />
Among Iraqis, the Kurds<br />
benefited the most from the<br />
war, and now may have the<br />
most to lose if the political<br />
chaos that followed the depi<br />
parture of American forces<br />
metastasizes into civil war.<br />
“Are we worried? Yes, we<br />
are worried,” said Barham<br />
A. Salih, the prime ministi<br />
ter of the <strong>Kurdish</strong> regional<br />
<strong>government</strong>. “Our national<br />
interest as Kurds lies in a<br />
democratic, federal, peacefi<br />
ful Iraq. We still have a<br />
long way to go before we<br />
get there.”<br />
The end of the Americi<br />
can military role here is an<br />
anxious turning point for<br />
the Kurds, who were proti<br />
tected by the United States<br />
for 20 years, beginning<br />
after the Persian Gulf war<br />
of 1991, with a humanitari<br />
ian operation and no-fly<br />
zone that halted Saddam<br />
Hussein’s killing machine.<br />
Now, the consolidation of<br />
power by Prime Ministi<br />
ter Nuri Kamal al-Maliki<br />
evokes painful memories<br />
of <strong>Kurdish</strong> suffering at the<br />
hands of a powerful central<br />
<strong>government</strong> in Baghdad. It<br />
also places the Kurds in the<br />
delicate position of acting<br />
as peacemakers between<br />
warring Shiite and Sunni<br />
Arab factions, a battle in<br />
which their own future is<br />
at stake.<br />
“Every Kurd yearns for<br />
an independent homeland,<br />
no doubt,” Mr. Salih said.<br />
“But we have also acceptei<br />
ed living as part of a demoi<br />
ocratic, peaceful, federal<br />
Iraq. If this hope vanishes,<br />
I don’t think the Kurds will<br />
be willing to risk what we<br />
have.”<br />
The current crisis, which<br />
politicians say has brought<br />
the country to the brink of<br />
civil war, erupted almost<br />
two weeks ago, just as the<br />
last American troops were<br />
leaving. Maliki’s governmi<br />
ment issued an arrest warri<br />
rant for Vice President<br />
Tariq al-Hashimi, the top<br />
Sunni politician, accusing<br />
him of running an assassi<br />
sination squad. Hashimi<br />
fled north, to the semiauti<br />
tonomous <strong>Kurdish</strong> region,<br />
to escape arrest. Maliki, a<br />
Shiite, warned the Kurds<br />
that there would be “probli<br />
lems” if they did not turn<br />
over Hashimi.<br />
The Kurds, who have<br />
no intention of complyi<br />
ing with Maliki’s demand,<br />
were not happy about bei<br />
ing dragged into the dispi<br />
pute between Sunnis and<br />
Shiites. “We are not part<br />
of the problem,” insisted<br />
Massoud Barzani, presidi<br />
dent of the <strong>Kurdish</strong> regionai<br />
al <strong>government</strong>.<br />
But with the future of<br />
postwar Iraq hanging in the<br />
balance, they cannot avoid<br />
being part of the soluti<br />
tion. American diplomats,<br />
whose influence is vastly<br />
diminished here since the<br />
American military withdi<br />
drawal, have called on a<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> leader, Jalal Tali<br />
labani, who is president of<br />
Iraq, to convene a meeting<br />
of Iraq’s leadership.<br />
But so far there is no<br />
agreement even on where<br />
the meeting should be held:<br />
the Kurds say it should be<br />
in the north while Maliki is<br />
pushing for Baghdad.<br />
A unity <strong>government</strong><br />
formed last year at the initi<br />
tiative of the Kurds, which<br />
included meaningful roles<br />
for all three of Iraq’s main<br />
factions, is now teetering.<br />
Maliki has threatened to<br />
form a new <strong>government</strong><br />
controlled by the Shiite<br />
majority that would effi<br />
fectively marginalize the<br />
Sunnis. To do so, he would<br />
need the support of the<br />
Kurds in Parliament, an<br />
unlikely prospect.<br />
“This would be the most<br />
dangerous step,” Barzani<br />
said in an interview at his<br />
sprawling palace outside<br />
Erbil, surrounded by snowtipped<br />
mountains that have<br />
served as the terrain for<br />
generations of guerrilla<br />
fighters. “It has to be a partni<br />
nership between the Shias,<br />
the Sunnis and the Kurds.<br />
Anything contrary to that<br />
would be disastrous.”<br />
Salih, the prime minister,<br />
said a Shiite-<strong>Kurdish</strong> alliai<br />
ance that shut out the Sunni<br />
nis would mean “the end<br />
of Iraq as we know it.”<br />
Depriving the Sunnis,<br />
who dominated under Mr.<br />
Hussein’s <strong>government</strong>,<br />
of a political voice would<br />
be likely to revitalize the<br />
Sunni insurgency, which is<br />
already showing new signs<br />
of life. Four days after the<br />
American withdrawal,<br />
coordinated bombings in<br />
Baghdad killed at least 63<br />
people, the deadliest attack<br />
there in more than a year.<br />
The Kurds have no great<br />
love for the Sunnis. Even<br />
though the Kurds are<br />
mostly Sunni Muslims<br />
themselves, it was the<br />
Sunni-Arab <strong>government</strong> of<br />
Mr. Hussein that was acci<br />
cused of committing genoci<br />
cide against the Kurds. But<br />
they would rather have<br />
the Sunni Arabs safely ensi<br />
sconced in a power-shari<br />
ing <strong>government</strong> rather than<br />
risk renewed violence and<br />
instability.<br />
Kurdistan, long a bastion<br />
of tolerance and a haven<br />
for the aggrieved and oppi<br />
pressed of all stripes, has<br />
lately become a sanctuary<br />
for Sunnis. Mr. Hashimi<br />
remains encamped at Mr.<br />
Talabani’s guesthouse in<br />
the hills outside Sulaimai<br />
aniya, where he said he<br />
alternated wearing the two<br />
suits he packed for a trip<br />
he thought would last two<br />
days.<br />
Sunni leaders from Diyi<br />
yala Province, a mixed<br />
region that has sought<br />
greater autonomy from the<br />
central <strong>government</strong>, have<br />
also fled to Kurdistan after<br />
a crackdown by state securi<br />
rity forces.<br />
The Kurds have deep<br />
emotional ties to the Unitei<br />
ed States, and in many<br />
ways they subscribe to the<br />
vision of the pluralistic soci<br />
ciety the Americans tried<br />
to construct here.<br />
Salih lived in Washington<br />
for years; his daughter atti<br />
tended Princeton and his<br />
son Columbia. He was<br />
close to the writer Christopi<br />
pher Hitchens, who wrote a<br />
book on the <strong>Kurdish</strong> cause.<br />
Explaining the view of the<br />
Sunni elite that leadership<br />
is their birthright, Salih likei<br />
ens them to “the WASPs of<br />
the United States.”<br />
Objects that in Baghdad<br />
would offend the religious<br />
and invite terrorists are<br />
abundant here. Christmas<br />
trees were on display at<br />
the mall and elsewhere. An<br />
American school openly<br />
flies an American flag, and<br />
not behind blast walls and<br />
checkpoints and razor wire.<br />
Not a single American soldi<br />
dier died in this region.<br />
“If you ask most Kurds,<br />
they will say that Americi<br />
ca’s military left Iraq too<br />
soon,” Salih said.<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> leaders believe in<br />
federalism and support the<br />
efforts of other provinces,<br />
like Diyala and Anbar,<br />
both with Sunni majoriti<br />
ties, to gain autonomy, a<br />
status Maliki opposes as a<br />
threat to Shiite dominance.<br />
While most Kurds ultimi<br />
mately wish for their own<br />
state, a move toward indepi<br />
pendence carries the risk<br />
of provoking a regional<br />
war with Iran, Turkey and<br />
Syria, countries with their<br />
own substantial <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
minorities. These countries<br />
would be likely to view an<br />
assertion of statehood by<br />
Iraqi Kurds as a provocati<br />
tion.<br />
For now at least, the<br />
Kurds see their best hope<br />
in maintaining their autonoi<br />
omy within a united Iraq.<br />
“If Iraq ends up being<br />
broken apart, it’s not beci<br />
cause the Kurds wanted<br />
it,” said Dr. Najmaldin<br />
Karim, an American citizi<br />
zen from Silver Spring,<br />
Md., who is now the govei<br />
ernor of Kirkuk, a city divi<br />
vided by Kurds, Arabs and<br />
Turkmen. “It’s because the<br />
others couldn’t get along.”<br />
Omar al-Jawoshy contributed<br />
reporting.
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 10<br />
Kurdistan mourns the loss of<br />
35 civilians<br />
Kurds mourned the<br />
deaths of 35 Kurds<br />
in southeast Turkey<br />
following an airstrike<br />
conducted by the<br />
Turkish warplanes<br />
against a group of<br />
civilians in Shrank<br />
province, near the<br />
Iraqi border.<br />
According to initial repi<br />
ports, the victims of<br />
the attack, aged 17 to<br />
20, were a group of 40,<br />
smuggling cigarettes<br />
loaded onto donkeys and<br />
mules when the Turkish<br />
warplanes struck them<br />
overnight on Dec. 28 in<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> territory near<br />
the Iraqi border. Thirtyfive<br />
were killed.<br />
The Turkish attack<br />
spurred a wave of demoi<br />
onstrations around the<br />
world, in Turkey and<br />
Iraq’s Kurdistan Region<br />
in particular. Thousands<br />
of mourners took to the<br />
streets of Istanbul, Anki<br />
kara and other <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
provinces of southwest<br />
Turkey to condemn the<br />
killing of <strong>Kurdish</strong> civili<br />
ians.<br />
Hundreds of mournei<br />
ers attended the funeral<br />
in Gulyazi village, near<br />
the Iraqi border. "I will<br />
tell the head of the genei<br />
eral staff that my son is<br />
a martyr and he didn't<br />
have any kind of weapoi<br />
on,” a father shouted as<br />
his son was placed in<br />
the grave.<br />
A week after the incidi<br />
dent, Turkish governmi<br />
ment officials offered<br />
an apology, saying the<br />
strike was not carried<br />
out intentionally, and<br />
that the civilians were<br />
mistaken for rebel<br />
groups who operate on<br />
the Iraqi border. The<br />
villagers say it was no<br />
mistake.<br />
"It is impossible to<br />
kill them mistakenly.<br />
The jets were flying 150<br />
meters above the caravi<br />
van and had a perfect<br />
view," said 20-year-old<br />
Mohemed from Ortasu<br />
village.<br />
A woman whose cousi<br />
in was killed in the airsi<br />
strike told media the<br />
bombing was not a misti<br />
take: “They were killed<br />
intentionally, when they<br />
were just trying to make<br />
People mount bodies onto mules after Turkey's air force attacked suspected <strong>Kurdish</strong> rebel targets across the border in Iraq, killing some tens of people, many of them<br />
believed to be smugglers mistaken for guerrillas, near the Turkish village of Ortasu in Sirnak, Turkey, Thursday, Dec. 29. 2011.<br />
a little money.”<br />
Amnesty International<br />
urged Turkish authoriti<br />
ties to carry out an indepi<br />
pendent and transparent<br />
investigation immedi<br />
diately. “The circumsi<br />
stances of the military<br />
operation that caused<br />
the death of so many civi<br />
vilians, some of whom<br />
were children, must be<br />
urgently investigated in<br />
a full, independent and<br />
transparent manner,”<br />
said Nicola Duckworth,<br />
Europe and Central Asia<br />
Programme Director.<br />
Turkey’s pro-<strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
Peace and Democracy<br />
Party (BDP) described<br />
the strike as a crime<br />
against humanity. “This<br />
is a massacre," BDP<br />
Deputy Chairwoman<br />
Gultan Kisanak said at<br />
press conference held in<br />
Diyarbakir.<br />
"This country's warpi<br />
planes bombed a group<br />
of 50 of its citizens to<br />
destroy them. This is a<br />
war crime and a crime<br />
against humanity." Kisni<br />
nak further added.<br />
The Shrank attack furti<br />
ther escalated conflicts<br />
between Turkey’s ruling<br />
party and the pro-Kurdi<br />
ish one; during BDP<br />
party meeting, head<br />
of the party Salahadin<br />
Demirtash accused<br />
Turkish Prime Minister<br />
Recep Tayyip Erdogan<br />
of hypocrisy: “Erdogan<br />
tells the Syrian authoriti<br />
ties to stop using violi<br />
lence against its people,<br />
while he is committing<br />
crime against his own<br />
people in Turkey.”<br />
Erdogan described the<br />
strike as “an unfortunate<br />
result,” speaking to medi<br />
dia in Istanbul, pledging<br />
that the <strong>government</strong> will<br />
conduct a full investigati<br />
tion.<br />
Turkish Foreign Mini<br />
ister Ahmet Davutoglu<br />
also remarked that they<br />
will investigate the inci<br />
cident. "Whatever the<br />
requirements are of<br />
state law, these will be<br />
done. No one can claim<br />
that such an event was<br />
intentional," Hurriyet<br />
newspaper quoted Davi<br />
vutoglu as saying. "This<br />
is a sad event; it should<br />
not be made a subject<br />
for political exploitati<br />
tion. The incident will<br />
be investigated and<br />
whatever is necessary<br />
will be done."<br />
Although Turkish offi<br />
ficials admitted the raid<br />
was a mistake, Turkish<br />
Deputy Prime Minister<br />
Bulent Arinc says the<br />
<strong>government</strong> offers no<br />
official apology for the<br />
attack, instead it will<br />
compensate the victims’<br />
relatives.<br />
“It would be very negai<br />
ative anticipation if we<br />
officially apologize,”<br />
Arinc remarked in a<br />
statement.<br />
Arinc did not specify<br />
how much money will<br />
be paid to the families of<br />
the victims, but said the<br />
payments would come<br />
within days. He also<br />
said the <strong>government</strong><br />
was exploring ways to<br />
increase the amount of<br />
the compensation.<br />
Kurdistan demonstrati<br />
tions<br />
The images broadcast<br />
on television showed<br />
a line of dead bodies,<br />
covered by blankets, on<br />
a barren hillside, with a<br />
crowd of people gathei<br />
ered around, some with<br />
their heads in their hands<br />
and crying. It garnered<br />
an emotional response<br />
from Kurds around the<br />
globe and in Kurdistan.<br />
Thousands of people<br />
from the three Kurdisti<br />
tan provinces took part<br />
in protest last week,<br />
mourning the deaths,<br />
condemning the Turkish<br />
airstrikes against civili<br />
ians in Turkey, and demi<br />
manding the Kurdistan<br />
presidency and the govei<br />
ernment take a stand.<br />
“What happened to the<br />
Kurds in Shrank was<br />
a massacre. The Turki<br />
ish <strong>government</strong> showed<br />
once again that it will<br />
never hesitate to kill<br />
Kurds,” said a man proti<br />
testing in Erbil.<br />
Many protesters critici<br />
cized Kurdistan Regi<br />
gion’s official stance and<br />
described it as “weak,”<br />
for not condemning the<br />
attack. “The Region’s<br />
official stance was not<br />
up to our expectations,<br />
because they did not<br />
literally condemn the<br />
massacre. They should<br />
have denounced the atti<br />
tack with the strongest<br />
words,” the protestor<br />
added.<br />
In a statement publi<br />
lished on its website,<br />
The Kurdistan Region’s<br />
presidency office offi<br />
fered the president’s<br />
condolences to the fami<br />
ilies of the victims and<br />
called on the Turkish<br />
<strong>government</strong> to come up<br />
with a peaceful solution<br />
for their internal issues,<br />
so the disputes do not<br />
result in civilian deaths.<br />
“While we offer our<br />
deep condolences to the<br />
relatives of the victims<br />
who were killed in a<br />
heart-stopping incident,<br />
we urge a swift and a<br />
peaceful resolution,”<br />
the statement said.<br />
Rawaz Koyee<br />
Erbil<br />
shano_koye<br />
@yahoo.com<br />
AP Photo
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 11<br />
Assad: friend or foe of the Kurds?<br />
PRESS PHOTO<br />
Syrian <strong>Kurdish</strong> protesters rally for self rule. Qamishli, Dec. 29, 2011.<br />
Phil Sands<br />
The National<br />
As Syrian protesters battle<br />
to overthrow President<br />
Bashar Al Assad, the<br />
country's large <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
minority is struggling to<br />
decide if its interests lie in<br />
the fall of the regime or in<br />
its survival.<br />
Politically divided and<br />
uncertain about their futi<br />
ture, Syria's two million<br />
Kurds, 10 per cent of the<br />
population, have played a<br />
limited role in the uprisi<br />
ing, analysts, activists and<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> groups say.<br />
"Until now we are putting<br />
about 10,000 people in the<br />
street for the largest demoi<br />
onstrations [in the <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
areas of north-east Syria],"<br />
said one <strong>Kurdish</strong> activist.<br />
"When we really rise up<br />
there will be hundreds of<br />
thousands, and there will<br />
be big <strong>Kurdish</strong> protests<br />
in Damascus and Aleppo,<br />
but we are not at that stage<br />
yet."<br />
Mr Al Assad has offered<br />
concessions to win Kurdi<br />
ish support - or at least<br />
entice them to stay out of<br />
the revolt - granting citizi<br />
zenship to stateless Kurds<br />
in April.<br />
The military crackdown<br />
has also been less harsh<br />
in <strong>Kurdish</strong> areas, in an effi<br />
fort to avoid inflaming the<br />
tense situation there, but<br />
those measures alone do<br />
not explain the cautious<br />
involvement in the uprisi<br />
ing.<br />
Among those in Syri<br />
ia with an axe to grind<br />
against the regime, the<br />
country's <strong>Kurdish</strong> minori<br />
ity would seem to rank<br />
near the top - a long histi<br />
tory of state-imposed ethni<br />
nic discrimination and<br />
economic neglect put it in<br />
permanent semi-rebellion<br />
against Damascus.<br />
The north-east city of<br />
Qamlishli in Hasika provi<br />
ince, the Kurds' stronghi<br />
hold, has long been one<br />
of its most impoverished<br />
areas.<br />
Over the years many<br />
Kurds have moved to<br />
Aleppo and Damascus in<br />
search of work and educati<br />
tion, often settling in illegi<br />
gally built neighbourhoods<br />
as a poverty-stricken urban<br />
underclass that derived litti<br />
tle direct benefit from the<br />
Baathist rule and its docti<br />
trinal Arabism resulted in<br />
discrimination against the<br />
Kurds, with some 300,000<br />
left stateless. Until Mr Al<br />
Assad issued his decree<br />
recognising them, they<br />
were officially considered<br />
foreigners, excluded from<br />
the basic services and subsi<br />
sidies granted to Syrians.<br />
That often uneasy coexi<br />
istence with Arab neighbi<br />
bours has been compoundei<br />
ed by a broader <strong>Kurdish</strong><br />
dispossession.<br />
The world's 30 million<br />
Kurds are the largest ethni<br />
nic community without a<br />
homeland.<br />
Divided between neighbi<br />
bouring Turkey, Iran, Iraq<br />
and Syria, they have long<br />
aspired to the statehood<br />
promised them by the<br />
victors in the First World<br />
War, who oversaw the dismi<br />
mantling of what was left<br />
of the Ottoman Empire.<br />
But Britain and France<br />
reneged when they redrew<br />
the Middle East.<br />
That territorial division<br />
created a source of politici<br />
cal and ethnic tension that<br />
continues to exert a major<br />
influence on the region.<br />
The four countries view<br />
with suspicion their Kurdi<br />
ish populations and the<br />
separatist movements that<br />
exist among them.<br />
The Kurds feel themsi<br />
selves targets of harassmi<br />
ment and discrimination,<br />
and many do want to win<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> autonomy.<br />
With a strong sense of<br />
communal identity, the<br />
Kurds have been the most<br />
politically active and wellorganised<br />
opposition bloc<br />
in Syria, and played a leadi<br />
ing role in the short-lived<br />
Damascus Spring of 2005,<br />
making unprecedented<br />
calls for democracy and<br />
greater freedoms.<br />
Still, mainstream Kurdi<br />
ish political parties have<br />
trod carefully since March<br />
when the uprising began,<br />
trying to solve the equation<br />
of whether their interests<br />
would be better served by<br />
a revolt that could yet succi<br />
ceed or fail, or by trying to<br />
reform the status quo.<br />
"It's true that for seven<br />
months or so some of the<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> political parties<br />
were not engaged in the<br />
uprising. Really, it was<br />
just the Future movement<br />
and Yeketi. The rest hadn't<br />
taken the decision to go<br />
to the street," said Foad<br />
Aleko, a senior Syrian<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> political figure<br />
and Yeketi party official.<br />
Of the dozen or so Kurdi<br />
ish parties in Syria, the<br />
Future movement is an<br />
anomaly.<br />
Founded by Meshaal<br />
Tammo it quickly and unei<br />
equivocally joined the revi<br />
volt, co-operating closely<br />
with Arab protesters nati<br />
tionwide.<br />
It was the only Kurdi<br />
ish group to join the oppi<br />
position Syrian National<br />
Council.<br />
Unlike other Kurdi<br />
ish leaders, Mr Tammo<br />
shunned identity politics.<br />
He flatly refused to have<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> flags flown at<br />
protest rallies, insisting<br />
instead the Syrian national<br />
flag be raised.<br />
Mr Tammo was murdi<br />
dered by gunmen on Octi<br />
tober 7, the first national<br />
level opposition figure to<br />
be killed in the uprising.<br />
While his funeral attractei<br />
ed about 50,000 mourners<br />
- five were shot during<br />
the procession by security<br />
forces - and led to speculi<br />
lation it would inflame the<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> street, it did not.<br />
Instead, allegations about<br />
who killed him only undi<br />
derlined divisions among<br />
them.<br />
Some blamed the governmi<br />
ment. Some accused Turki<br />
key, fighting its own Kurdi<br />
ish insurgency against the<br />
Kurdistan Workers Party<br />
(PKK).<br />
Others pointed to differei<br />
ent <strong>Kurdish</strong> factions, citi<br />
ing mafia-like entrenched<br />
interests.<br />
These schisms, and in<br />
particular the hostility<br />
between Turkey and the<br />
PKK's political wing, the<br />
Democratic Union Party<br />
(PYD), one of the largest<br />
and most influential Kurdi<br />
ish parties in Syria, have<br />
helped the Syrian authoriti<br />
ties to prevent the Kurds<br />
from fully supporting the<br />
uprising.<br />
In an effort to solve their<br />
lingering divisions, Syrian<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> political blocs,<br />
including 10 major parti<br />
ties and representatives<br />
of non-affiliated groups<br />
- doctors, engineers and<br />
other professionals - met<br />
in October to thrash out a<br />
unified position. The PYD<br />
did not attend.<br />
In June it had helped<br />
found the National Cooi<br />
ordination Committees<br />
(NCC), an opposition alliai<br />
ance that the other Kurdi<br />
ish groups refused to join<br />
because it insisted Syria<br />
be defined as part of the<br />
Arab world.<br />
The October 26 meeti<br />
ing declared the Kurds<br />
were fully committed to<br />
the Syrian revolution and<br />
would not negotiate with<br />
the regime independently<br />
of other opposition blocs.<br />
It demanded a new consi<br />
stitution recognising the<br />
Kurds and their right to<br />
self-determination within<br />
a united Syria.<br />
"That meeting was a deci<br />
cisive point and a decision<br />
was made by all to take to<br />
the streets and the protests<br />
have been getting bigger<br />
and bigger since," said Mr<br />
Aleko.<br />
"The protests are big<br />
now, the regime blocks<br />
the streets, there is tear<br />
gas and shooting so the<br />
accusation that we're not<br />
committed to the revoluti<br />
tion isn't true."<br />
But one analyst said the<br />
Kurds are still hedging<br />
their bets.<br />
"We've seen hundreds of<br />
thousands of protesters in<br />
the streets in Homs, Hama,<br />
Deraa and Idleb despite all<br />
the dangers they face, but<br />
in <strong>Kurdish</strong> areas the numbi<br />
bers have been nothing<br />
like as big," he said, on the<br />
condition of anonymity.<br />
The Kurds have long<br />
been better organised<br />
than Arab groups, so this<br />
means a political decision<br />
has been made to pull their<br />
punches, the analyst said.<br />
"The Kurds have a foot<br />
in both camps still, they<br />
are not sure if the regime<br />
will survive or fall, and<br />
they want to be able to<br />
benefit whatever the outci<br />
come," he said. "They are<br />
waiting until they know<br />
the answer to that big<br />
question, then they will<br />
commit themselves."<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong> political leaders<br />
deny they have cut a deal<br />
with the regime. They<br />
say they want to prevent<br />
the uprising being seen as<br />
<strong>Kurdish</strong>, not Arab.<br />
Despite such assurances,<br />
deep divisions remain<br />
among the Kurds.<br />
"To be honest, the Kurds<br />
have not decided who the<br />
real enemy is yet, the [Syri<br />
ian] regime or the Turks,"<br />
said another <strong>Kurdish</strong> acti<br />
tivist. "Both are threats to<br />
our future but we have to<br />
decide which is the biggi<br />
gest and we have to know<br />
what will happen to us if<br />
Assad does fall."
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 12<br />
As currency<br />
PRESS PHOTO<br />
crisis and feud<br />
with West<br />
deepen,<br />
Iranians brace<br />
for war<br />
At a time when U.S. officials<br />
are increasingly confident that<br />
economic and political pressure<br />
alone may succeed in curbing<br />
Iran’s nuclear ambitions, the<br />
mood here has turned bleak<br />
and belligerent as Iranians prepi<br />
pare grimly for a period of proli<br />
longed hardship and, they fear,<br />
war.<br />
This stark contrast has been<br />
evident in the Iranian capiti<br />
tal this week as a top military<br />
commander declared a “critici<br />
cal point” in the country’s long<br />
feud with the West and ordinary<br />
Iranians stocked up on essential<br />
supplies. Merchants watched<br />
helplessly as the Iranian curri<br />
rency, the rial, shed more than<br />
a third of its value, triggering<br />
huge increases in the prices of<br />
imported goods.<br />
“I will tell you what this is<br />
leading to: war,” said a merci<br />
chant in Tehran’s popular<br />
Paytakht bazaar who gave his<br />
name only as Milad. “My fami<br />
ily, friends and I — we are all<br />
desperate.”<br />
The sense of impending confi<br />
frontation is not shared in<br />
Washington and other Western<br />
capitals, where <strong>government</strong> offi<br />
ficials and analysts expressed<br />
cautious satisfaction that their<br />
policies are working.<br />
Former and current U.S. govei<br />
ernment officials did not dismi<br />
miss the possibility of a militi<br />
tary confrontation but said they<br />
saw recent threats by Iranian<br />
leaders — including warning a<br />
U.S. aircraft carrier this week<br />
not to return to the crucial Strait<br />
of Hormuz — mainly as signs<br />
of rising frustration. U.S. offici<br />
cials say this amounts to vindici<br />
cation of a years-long policy of<br />
increasing pressure, including<br />
through clandestine operations,<br />
on Iran’s clerical rulers without<br />
provoking war.<br />
“The reasons you’re seei<br />
ing the bluster now is because<br />
they’re feeling it,” said Dennis<br />
Ross, who was one of the White<br />
House’s chief advisers on Iran<br />
before stepping down late last<br />
year. With even tougher sancti<br />
tions poised to take effect in<br />
weeks, the White House had<br />
succeeded in dramatically raisi<br />
ing the costs of Iran’s nuclear<br />
program, he said.<br />
“The measure, in the end, is,<br />
‘Do they change their behavi<br />
ior?’ ” Ross said.<br />
The Obama administration<br />
is readying new punitive measi<br />
sures targeting the Central<br />
Bank of Iran, while leaders<br />
of the European Union took a<br />
step this week toward approvi<br />
ing strict curbs on imports of<br />
Iranian petroleum in hopes of<br />
pressuring the nation to abandi<br />
don what they say is a drive to<br />
develop nuclear weapons. Iran<br />
says its nuclear program is for<br />
peaceful energy production.<br />
State<br />
Department<br />
spokes¬woman Victoria Nuli<br />
land deemed as “very good<br />
news” the E.U.’s commitment<br />
to shutting off the flow of Irani<br />
nian oil to Europe.<br />
“This is consistent with tightei<br />
ening the noose on Iran econi<br />
nomically,” Nuland told reportei<br />
ers Wednesday. “We think that<br />
the place to get Iran’s attention<br />
is with regard to its oil sector.”<br />
In Tehran, that tightening is<br />
being felt by millions of peopi<br />
ple. Economists and independi<br />
dent analysts say the sanctions<br />
have aggravated the country’s<br />
chronic economic problems<br />
and fueled a currency crisis that<br />
is limiting the availability of a<br />
broad array of goods, including<br />
illegally imported iPhones and<br />
life-saving medicines.<br />
While dollar injections by the<br />
Central Bank of Iran in recent<br />
days appeared to stabilize the<br />
rial, foreign-exchange traders<br />
said Wednesday that they were<br />
not selling dollars because the<br />
rate set by the bank was “artifi<br />
ficial.”<br />
Iranian President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, faces turmoil both internally and with the international community.<br />
In a move that underscored a<br />
lack of options in quelling the<br />
currency crisis, Iranian authoriti<br />
ties resorted to ordering money<br />
changers to post much lower<br />
exchange rates for dollars in<br />
their shop windows Wednesdi<br />
day. Authorities also blocked<br />
Web sites that listed real-time<br />
rates, according to Khabaronli<br />
line, a Web site critical of the<br />
<strong>government</strong>.<br />
In Tehran, where public suppi<br />
port for the <strong>government</strong> has<br />
dwindled since it cracked down<br />
on large opposition protests in<br />
2009, many blame Iran’s leadei<br />
ers and their policies for the<br />
sanctions, as well as for the<br />
country’s increasing internati<br />
tional isolation and tensions<br />
with the United States.<br />
Economists and businessmen<br />
say that after years of erratic<br />
economic policies by the govei<br />
ernment of President Mahmoud<br />
Ahmadinejad, each new round<br />
of sanctions aimed at Iran’s key<br />
oil income increases fears of an<br />
overall economic meltdown.<br />
“It’s basic economic law,”<br />
said Jamshid Edalatian, a reti<br />
tired professor of economics,<br />
former banker and member of<br />
Iran’s chamber of commerce.<br />
“When people start worrying<br />
about the future, they start buyi<br />
ing strong currencies to use in<br />
difficult times, and right now<br />
everybody is baffled and confi<br />
fused over the future.”<br />
Confusion abounded this<br />
week in the Paytakht shopping<br />
center, which is Tehran’s main<br />
computer bazaar. The price of<br />
the Apple iPhone 4S, reexportei<br />
ed from nearby Dubai, United<br />
Arab Emirates, and highly<br />
prized by many young Iraniai<br />
ans, had surged, like most other<br />
imported products. The phone<br />
now costs 35 percent more.<br />
The money changer involved<br />
in most of the merchants’ purci<br />
chases from Dubai also had<br />
disappeared with more than<br />
a million of their dollars after<br />
the rial suddenly collapsed.<br />
“Nobody is buying or selling,”<br />
said Nader Kamali, who owns<br />
a cellphone shop. “How can we<br />
live like this?”<br />
The pain extends to the counti<br />
try’s large industries. Accordi<br />
ing to the Iranian Labor News<br />
Agency, high prices for commi<br />
modities and raw materials,<br />
caused by the rial’s plunge, have<br />
led to the closure of 50 percent<br />
of businesses in the biggest indi<br />
dustrial zone near Tehran.<br />
The rial slid as the governmi<br />
ment ended another year of reci<br />
cord oil sales that have brought<br />
in nearly $500 billion over five<br />
years. Authorities have sought<br />
to distribute some of the wealth,<br />
bringing liquidity to unprecei<br />
edented levels.<br />
Ahmadinejad has allowed<br />
domestic energy prices to rise<br />
and ended massive state subsi<br />
sidies. But, at the same time,<br />
he has sought to ease the pain<br />
through direct state aid, paying<br />
60 million Iranians nearly $40<br />
a month.<br />
The moves have spurred inflati<br />
tion over the past year, raising<br />
the prices of food, rent, utiliti<br />
ties and highway tolls, squeezi<br />
ing the average urban family’s<br />
monthly income of about<br />
$550.<br />
Edalatian, the economist,<br />
called for harsh measures to<br />
weather the storm caused by the<br />
sanctions and erratic governmi<br />
ment policies. He said the govei<br />
ernment should restrict nonessi<br />
sential imports such as cars and<br />
televisions and take over the<br />
foreign-currency market.<br />
“More sanctions are comi<br />
ing,” he said. “We must be prepi<br />
pared.”<br />
Among those complaining<br />
about the rial’s drop were prodi<br />
ducers of medicine, importers<br />
of foreign cars and food, and<br />
truck drivers on international<br />
routes. In some cases, they deci<br />
cided to stop working because<br />
they could no longer make a<br />
profit.<br />
Siavash Saadat said he did not<br />
know how he was going to pay<br />
for the goods he ordered from<br />
India for his Mina pharmaceuti<br />
tical factory.<br />
“We either have to close down<br />
or I will be forced to lay off<br />
workers,” he said.<br />
Warrick reported from Washi<br />
ington. Special correspondents<br />
Somaye Malekian and Ramtin<br />
Rastin contributed to this repi<br />
port.<br />
By Thomas Erdbrink and Joby Warrick<br />
for The Washington Post
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 13<br />
Syria says at least 11 killed in Damascus blast<br />
An explosion ripped through a<br />
busy intersection in the Syrian<br />
capital Friday, hitting a police<br />
bus and killing at least 11 people<br />
and possibly many more in an<br />
attack that left pools of blood in<br />
the streets and marked the secoi<br />
ond deadly attack in the capital<br />
in as many weeks, Syrian auti<br />
thorities said.<br />
Interior Minister Mohammed<br />
Shaar blamed a suicide bombei<br />
er for the blast, which comes<br />
exactly two weeks after twin<br />
bombings in the capital killed<br />
44 people. The bombings mark<br />
a dramatic escalation of bloodsi<br />
shed as Arab League observers<br />
tour the country to investigate<br />
President Bashar Assad's bloody<br />
crackdown on a 10-month-old<br />
popular revolt.<br />
"He detonated himself with the<br />
aim of killing the largest number<br />
of people," Shaar said.<br />
Syrian television showed residi<br />
dents and paramedics carrying<br />
human remains, holding them<br />
up for the camera. Other footai<br />
age showed a police bus with<br />
blood on its seats, and cars with<br />
blown-out windows and riddled<br />
with shrapnel.<br />
An Associated Press reporter<br />
at the scene said the blast also<br />
damaged a nearby police stati<br />
tion, shattering its glass, and that<br />
there was blood and flesh in the<br />
streets. Police cordoned off the<br />
area with yellow police tape.<br />
Shaar said 11 people have<br />
been confirmed dead. Authoriti<br />
ties believe another 14 were also<br />
killed, based on human remains<br />
from the scene, which would<br />
bring the death toll to 25, state<br />
TV said. More than 60 people<br />
were wounded.<br />
In a sign of just how polarized<br />
Syria has become, the opposition<br />
has questioned the <strong>government</strong>'s<br />
allegations that terrorists are<br />
behind the attacks — suggesti<br />
ing the regime itself could have<br />
been behind the violence to try<br />
to erode support for the uprising<br />
and show the observer team that<br />
it is a victim in the country's uphi<br />
heaval.<br />
The <strong>government</strong> has long conti<br />
More than 5000 people have been killed in the Syrian uprising which started February 17 last year.<br />
tended that the turmoil in Syria<br />
this year is not an uprising but<br />
the work of terrorists and forei<br />
eign-backed armed gangs.<br />
A Syrian official, speaking on<br />
condition of anonymity because<br />
he was not allowed to speak<br />
publicly to the media, said the<br />
target of the attack appeared to<br />
be a bus carrying policemen.<br />
The official also said that a<br />
smaller bomb exploded Friday<br />
in the Damascus suburb of Tal,<br />
killing a girl. Security experts<br />
dismantled another bomb in the<br />
same area, he said.<br />
The Arab League observers<br />
started work Dec. 27, and violi<br />
lence has spiked since then. Syri<br />
ian activists saying up to 400<br />
people have been killed since<br />
Dec. 21. The U.N. says the overai<br />
all toll since the revolt began is<br />
more than 5,000.<br />
The blast went off at an intersi<br />
section in the central Damasci<br />
cus neighborhood of Midan on<br />
Friday, the start of the weekend<br />
in Syria and much of the Arab<br />
world. Midan is one of several<br />
Damascus neighborhoods that<br />
has seen frequent anti-Assad<br />
protests on Fridays since the upri<br />
rising began in March.<br />
"I heard the explosion at about<br />
11:15 and came running here. I<br />
found bodies on the ground inci<br />
cluding one of a man who was<br />
carrying two boxes of yogurt,"<br />
Midan resident Anis Hassan<br />
Tinawi, 55, told The Associated<br />
Press.<br />
Compared to many parts of<br />
the country which have been<br />
convulsed by the 10-month old<br />
uprising, Damascus has been<br />
relatively quiet under the tight<br />
control of ruthless security agenci<br />
cies loyal to Assad.<br />
But violence in the capital has<br />
been on the rise over the last two<br />
months. On Dec. 23, according<br />
to the Syrian authorities, two<br />
car bombers blew themselves<br />
up outside the heavily guarded<br />
compounds of the country's inti<br />
telligence agencies, killing at<br />
least 44 people and wounding<br />
166.<br />
If the official account is corri<br />
rect, they would be the first<br />
suicide bombings during the<br />
uprising. State-run TV said the<br />
al-Qaida terrorist network was<br />
possibly to blame.<br />
Adding to the bloodshed in reci<br />
cent months, dissident soldiers<br />
who broke from the military to<br />
side with peaceful protesters<br />
have launched attacks on govei<br />
ernment sites, raising fears of<br />
civil war.<br />
Air force Col. Riad al-Asaad,<br />
leader of the main armed group<br />
fighting the regime, denied resi<br />
sponsibility for Friday's bus<br />
bombing in an interview with<br />
pan-Arab Al-Jazeera TV.<br />
He said his organization, the<br />
Free Syrian Army, "doesn't have<br />
the experience to carry out such<br />
explosions" and said the regime<br />
"is the plotter for this attack."<br />
He spoke from Turkey, where<br />
the group is based.<br />
Mroue contributed from Beiri<br />
rut.<br />
PRESS PHOTO<br />
U.S. economy gains steam as 200,000 jobs are added<br />
The United States added 200,000 new<br />
jobs last month, the Labor Department<br />
said Friday, a robust figure indicating<br />
that the economic recovery may finally<br />
be building up a head of steam.<br />
The nation’s unemployment rate fell to<br />
8.5 percent in December, from a revised<br />
8.7 percent in November, the <strong>government</strong><br />
said. The Labor Department also revised<br />
the number of new jobs added in Novembi<br />
ber to 100,000, from 120,000.<br />
The employment report added to a<br />
flurry of heartening economic news in<br />
December, when consumer confidence<br />
rose, manufacturing came in strong and<br />
small businesses showed signs of life.<br />
It was the sixth consecutive month that<br />
the economy added at least 100,000 jobs<br />
— not enough to restore employment to<br />
prerecession levels, but enough, perhaps,<br />
to cheer President Obama as he enters an<br />
election year.<br />
The upward trend restored some of the<br />
ground lost this spring and summer, when<br />
global events like the earthquake in Japan<br />
and domestic ones like the debt ceiling<br />
debate slowed the American recovery to<br />
a crawl and raised fears of a second recessi<br />
sion. Then, even signs of modest growth<br />
were dismissed as too anemic. Now, they<br />
are drawing tentative praise.<br />
“People were very much thinking that<br />
the sky was falling,” said Tom Porcelli,<br />
an economist at RBC Capital Markets.<br />
“It’s no small victory that we’re up here,<br />
even with all these headwinds.”<br />
Up here, Mr. Porcelli was quick to note,<br />
is none too lofty a perch.<br />
Lowering the unemployment rate signifi<br />
icantly would require many more jobs a<br />
month than the economy has been adding.<br />
And there are several factors that could<br />
weigh down what momentum there is.<br />
Congress may yet decline to continue<br />
extensions of the payroll tax break and<br />
unemployment benefits that have given<br />
families a lift and boosted spending.<br />
Money, in the form of loans, is still hard<br />
to come by. Home values continue to<br />
drop. And though the most recent numbi<br />
bers make it appear the United States is<br />
shrugging off the troubles in the euro<br />
zone, a severe slowdown there or, worse,<br />
a catastrophic financial collapse, is still a<br />
threat.<br />
Still, optimists were quick to trumpi<br />
pet the American economy’s resilience.<br />
“This is the real thing,” said Ian Shephi<br />
herdson of High Frequency Economics.<br />
“This is finally the economy throwing off<br />
the shackles of the credit crunch.”<br />
The numbers were foreshadowed in a<br />
report by ADP, the payroll processing<br />
company, that showed a whopping gain<br />
of 325,000 private-sector jobs in Decembi<br />
ber. ADP’s reports do not always correli<br />
late closely with the Labor Department’s<br />
findings, but they can provide additional<br />
insight. Diane Swonk, an economist with<br />
Mesirow Financial, said most of the new<br />
jobs in the ADP payroll report were at<br />
small businesses and that generally only<br />
newer small businesses used a payroll<br />
company.
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong> No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 14<br />
Iran and Turkey divided<br />
by ‘Arab Spring’<br />
Relationships in the region are changing<br />
By Salah Bayaziddi<br />
sbayaziddi@yahoo.com<br />
It was almost 18 months<br />
ago that a divided United<br />
Nations Security Council<br />
voted to tighten sanctions<br />
against Iran over its nuci<br />
clear program. It mostly<br />
failed because both Turki<br />
key and Brazil, non-permi<br />
manent members of the<br />
UN Security Council,<br />
resisted U.S.-led efforts<br />
to push through further<br />
sanctions over Iran’s failui<br />
ure to halt its uranium enri<br />
richment program. While<br />
it was not the first attempt<br />
by the international commi<br />
munity to curb nuclear<br />
proliferation in one of the<br />
most volatile regions of<br />
the world, it was alarming<br />
news for the West where<br />
one of the most trusted alli<br />
lies in the Muslim world<br />
and a member of NATO<br />
is siding with Iran. At the<br />
time, when Turkey voted<br />
against the further sancti<br />
tions of Iran on June 9,<br />
2010, the policy makers<br />
in the region feared the<br />
possibility that the new<br />
Turkish policies were<br />
linked to a sharp break<br />
from its secular tradition<br />
and pro-Western stance.<br />
Nevertheless, there are<br />
many signs that the warm<br />
relations between these<br />
two neighboring counti<br />
tries is changing in nature<br />
and it is moving from a<br />
relationship of rivalry<br />
to one based on animosi<br />
ity and adversary. In line<br />
with such new developmi<br />
ments, an Iranian political<br />
official threatened to atti<br />
tack Turkey's NATO missi<br />
sile defense system if the<br />
U.S. or Israel attacks Iran,<br />
repeating a similar threat<br />
from a general a month<br />
ago.<br />
It was on Sept. 2 when<br />
Turkey’s Foreign Ministi<br />
try announced the counti<br />
try would host an early<br />
warning radar as part of<br />
a NATO defense system,<br />
which will help protect<br />
against ballistic missile<br />
threats and is part of a<br />
strategic initiative agreed<br />
upon in 2011. Then it was<br />
reported that a military<br />
installation in the Turkish<br />
town of Kurecik, about<br />
700 kilometers west of<br />
the border with Iran, has<br />
been chosen as the radar<br />
site. Tehran has made<br />
clear its displeasure at<br />
Turkey's decision to depi<br />
ploy a NATO missile earli<br />
ly warning system, which<br />
Iran sees as a U.S. ploy<br />
to protect Israel from any<br />
counterattack, should the<br />
Jewish state target Iran's<br />
nuclear facilities.<br />
This war of words beti<br />
tween Iran and Turkey’s<br />
officials became more<br />
serious when Vice-Chairmi<br />
man of the Iranian Parliami<br />
ment's National Security<br />
and Foreign Policy Commi<br />
mission Hussein Ibrahim<br />
said Iran is making plans<br />
to finding ways to neuti<br />
tralize the NATO missi<br />
sile defense system to be<br />
installed in Turkey, and<br />
warned that in the case<br />
of any attack on Iran, it<br />
will definitely hit that<br />
system. In December, Isli<br />
lamic Revolution Guards<br />
Corps Aerospace commi<br />
mander Brig. Gen. Amir<br />
Ali Hajizadeh underlined<br />
Iran's crushing response<br />
to any enemy aggression,<br />
and warned that Tehran<br />
would target the NATO<br />
missile shield in Turkey<br />
if it comes under attack.<br />
"We have prepared oursi<br />
selves, if any threat is<br />
staged against Iran, we<br />
will target NATO's missi<br />
sile shield in Turkey and<br />
will then attack other<br />
targets," Brig. Gen. Haji<br />
jizadeh said, addressing a<br />
gathering of 10,000 Basij<br />
(volunteer forces) membi<br />
bers in the western town<br />
of Khorramabad in late<br />
November.<br />
However, there must<br />
more stories inside this<br />
new round of rivalry<br />
games between Iran and<br />
Turkey. As a clear indici<br />
cation, the rise of “Arab<br />
Spring” and the new Turki<br />
key’s policy toward the<br />
Syrian regime has played<br />
a major role in changing<br />
hearts of these once close<br />
friends. Indeed, Turkey<br />
and Iran, the Middle East's<br />
two major non-Arab Musli<br />
lim states, are vying for<br />
influence in the post-Arab<br />
Spring region and it was<br />
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad shakes hands with Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davvutoglu<br />
at the presidential office in Tehran on January 5, 2012.<br />
enough to show its serioi<br />
ousness when Iranian Supi<br />
preme Leader Ayatollah<br />
Ali Khamenei's military<br />
adviser accused Turkish<br />
Prime Minister Recep<br />
Tayyip Erdogan of setti<br />
ting its foreign policy to<br />
please Washington. It was<br />
in the early stages of the<br />
anti-<strong>government</strong> protests<br />
across Middle East and<br />
North African countries<br />
when the Iranian regime<br />
clearly was trying to porti<br />
tray a different view, and<br />
in fact a more suitable<br />
one, to its political ideoi<br />
ology across the Islamic<br />
world. In the beginning, it<br />
was viewed that the Arab<br />
uprisings had been mainli<br />
ly secular in nature. But<br />
Khamenei claimed they<br />
represented an "Islamic<br />
awakening" against dictati<br />
torial, Western-backed regi<br />
gimes, inspired by Iran's<br />
1979 Islamic Revolution.<br />
But it seems Tehran is fulli<br />
ly aware its own model of<br />
a purportedly democratic<br />
Islamic <strong>government</strong> has<br />
little appeal in the Arab<br />
world.<br />
Turkish pressure on<br />
Syria, Tehran's main ally<br />
in the Arab world, has angi<br />
gered the Iranian regime.<br />
Erdogan, with a vision of<br />
a moderate Islamic poli<br />
litical system, has taken a<br />
tough and proactive stand<br />
against Syrian President<br />
Bashar al-Assad's bruti<br />
tal response to the ninemonth<br />
Syrian uprising.<br />
The Turkish premier<br />
predicted recently that<br />
the Syrian leader will be<br />
ousted "sooner or later,”<br />
and is set to impose its<br />
own sanctions on Damasci<br />
cus. Turkey is also harbi<br />
boring Syrian opposition<br />
groups and army defecti<br />
tors. Clearly, Iran has a<br />
huge interest in the survi<br />
vival of Assad's regime.<br />
His removal could sever<br />
Iran's umbilical cord to<br />
Hezbollah, Tehran's coreli<br />
ligionist ally in Lebanon,<br />
which gives the Islamic<br />
republic a cherished presei<br />
ence on Israel's northern<br />
ATTA KENARE/AFP/Getty Images<br />
border and enables Iran<br />
to project its power in<br />
the region. Making the<br />
situation worse was Turki<br />
key's decision to deploy<br />
the NATO missile early<br />
warning system, which<br />
has the potential to cause<br />
more difficulty to already<br />
troubled relations of these<br />
rival countries.<br />
Now with the new devi<br />
velopments in hand, and<br />
with the arrival of this<br />
new phase of post-sancti<br />
tions of the UN Security<br />
Council, the prospect of<br />
future diplomatic efforts<br />
are more uncertain then<br />
ever before but most impi<br />
portantly, the role of Turki<br />
key will become more<br />
crucial toward Iran’s<br />
nuclear crisis. At the momi<br />
ment, it seems also all<br />
options in responding to<br />
Iran's nuclear ambitions<br />
are wide open, and the<br />
further intensification of<br />
this problem will lead the<br />
entire region to the edge of<br />
a full-scale regional confi<br />
flict. Further complicating<br />
the crisiss, it is crucial to<br />
remember that Israel has<br />
long viewed Tehran as its<br />
greatest strategic threat<br />
because of Iran's nuclear<br />
program and its current<br />
president, who frequently<br />
has predicted the destructi<br />
tion of the Jewish state.<br />
Until now, both Israel and<br />
the U.S. have refused to<br />
rule out a military option<br />
to halt Iran's nuclear capi<br />
pabilities. At these histori<br />
ical moments, the policy<br />
makers are reviewing this<br />
crucial question: How<br />
will Turkey respond to<br />
any military strike against<br />
Iran? It was not long ago<br />
when, following the appi<br />
proval of more sanctions<br />
against Iran, the Turkish<br />
<strong>government</strong> announced its<br />
refusal to accept any militi<br />
tary action against Iran<br />
because it would create<br />
another Iraq and this time<br />
result in a wider regional<br />
war and bleak future for<br />
the entire region.
The <strong>Kurdish</strong> <strong>Globe</strong><br />
No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012 15<br />
Erbil football club in crisis<br />
Financial and coaching problems threaten club<br />
After failing to keep<br />
its title in the Iraqi<br />
football league and<br />
showing poor<br />
performances in<br />
several matches in<br />
this year's games,<br />
Erbil FC announced<br />
the resignation of<br />
head coach, Ayoub<br />
Odisho. The club said<br />
the coach was the<br />
main reason behind<br />
the results.<br />
The club’s officials were<br />
reported to have been uni<br />
impressed with the trainer<br />
and poor performances in<br />
recent weeks. As a result,<br />
Odisho decided to resign<br />
and club officials accepted<br />
his resignation.<br />
"Odisho resigned beci<br />
cause he felt he was incapi<br />
pable of leading the team<br />
successfully anymore and<br />
the team's results under<br />
his supervision were going<br />
to worsen," said Mahmud<br />
Aziz, Erbil club secretary.<br />
Under Odisho's manai<br />
agement, Erbil played six<br />
matches. It won three of<br />
the matches and the other<br />
three were draws.<br />
Asked if Erbil’s board<br />
members forced Odisho to<br />
resign, Aziz said, "I don't<br />
want to hide that Erbil club<br />
officials wanted him to<br />
quit, but nobody put pressi<br />
sure on him to resign from<br />
his post; he decided to quit<br />
by himself."<br />
Another problem Erbil<br />
FC has been suffering from<br />
since the beginning of this<br />
season is insufficient budgi<br />
Erbil FC endures a training session at Franso Hariri Stadium in Erbil.<br />
get for player salaries and<br />
new signings.<br />
"Our club is in a big fini<br />
nancial crisis. During this<br />
season we haven't received<br />
any funds from the regionai<br />
al <strong>government</strong> so far. We<br />
are only using the budget<br />
the <strong>government</strong> allotted<br />
for all the sports clubs in<br />
Kurdistan," Aziz noted.<br />
In previous years, Erbil<br />
FC was paid a better attenti<br />
tion by high-ranking offici<br />
cials from the <strong>government</strong>.<br />
During the time of Nechirvi<br />
van Barzani, former prime<br />
minister, the club had an<br />
open budget.<br />
"For this year's activiti<br />
ties, we have requested 3<br />
billion Iraqi dinars from<br />
the <strong>government</strong>, but we<br />
haven't heard anything yet.<br />
If things go on this way,<br />
I don't think the club will<br />
compile good records in<br />
Iraqi premier league and<br />
the Asian Football Confedei<br />
eration Cup," Aziz said.<br />
Although people in Kurdi<br />
istan think Erbil is still<br />
well-funded, as the club<br />
still tries to sign top playei<br />
ers, Aziz said the club borri<br />
rows money from wealthy<br />
fans.<br />
According to Aziz the<br />
club received 3 billion ID<br />
from the <strong>government</strong> last<br />
year, but it had to spend<br />
most of it to repay previoi<br />
ous loans.<br />
"The clubs can be run<br />
successfully only when<br />
there is a good amount of<br />
money. A club like Erbil<br />
spends a lot of money on<br />
trip expenses since it parti<br />
ticipates in AFC Cup," expi<br />
plained Aziz, who hopes<br />
the <strong>government</strong> will be<br />
more responsive to the<br />
club’s financial needs.<br />
What worsened Erbil's<br />
finances were player conti<br />
tract costs and monthly<br />
salaries. Player contracts<br />
cost 60-100 million ID anni<br />
nually and each footballer<br />
gets 1 million ID a month<br />
as salary.<br />
In Kurdistan, the governmi<br />
ment generally provides<br />
better financial support<br />
for clubs that participate<br />
in Asian tournaments. Erbi<br />
bil claims it doesn’t get<br />
enough to cover expenses.<br />
Hoping to get back on<br />
track, Erbil FC is looking<br />
for a title-winning coach<br />
to replace Odisho. The<br />
club has said it is looking<br />
at Mukhtar Mukhtar and<br />
Emad Khankani.<br />
Muhktar is an Egyptian<br />
trainer, who coached Tibini<br />
FC in the Egyptian league<br />
last year. Syrian coach<br />
PRESS PHOTO<br />
Khankani has trained the<br />
Syrian Olympic team. In<br />
addition, according to Sami<br />
man Brifkani, Erbil club<br />
media manager, Erbil has<br />
also received a resume<br />
from a German coach.<br />
"We haven't decided yet<br />
as to who is going to be<br />
the coach of Erbil. We are<br />
in the process of studyi<br />
ing their capabilities. We<br />
know that the coaches are<br />
experienced but the one<br />
who has better skills and<br />
abilities will be appointed<br />
as the coach," Brifkani<br />
said<br />
Since Odisho left, Erbil<br />
has played matches against<br />
Shargat and Kahraba'a and<br />
won both of them, but with<br />
modest results. Omer Maji<br />
jeed, who was assistant<br />
coach under Odisho, is acti<br />
ing as interim head coach.<br />
Brifkani also said Erbi<br />
bil is thinking of signing<br />
the Iraqi national team<br />
midfielder Hawar Mulli<br />
lah Muhammad, whose<br />
contract with Iranian Zob<br />
Ahan FC, recently ended.<br />
Muhammad is now traini<br />
ing with Erbil and has deci<br />
cided to play for Erbil if he<br />
doesn't receive offers from<br />
abroad.<br />
Erbil, known as Yellow<br />
Castle, is a sports club<br />
founded in 1968 in the city<br />
of Erbil. It has won the<br />
Iraqi premier league three<br />
times.<br />
Zakaria Muhammed<br />
Erbil<br />
zakaria.kurdishglobe<br />
@gmail.com<br />
Duhok basketball starts season with a victory<br />
The new season of Iraqi baski<br />
ketball premier league started<br />
on Jan. 2, 2012, with several<br />
strong matches. Duhok, last<br />
year's champions, was able<br />
to please its fans in the New<br />
Year, defeating South Oil<br />
113-71.<br />
Duhok controlled the game<br />
from the beginning and kept<br />
up the pressure until the last<br />
minute. It finished the first<br />
period at 31-11. For the othei<br />
er three periods, South Oil<br />
played disappointingly while<br />
Duhok played with confidi<br />
dence and high morale. It<br />
ended the other periods with<br />
scores of 34-19, 25-18 and<br />
24-23.<br />
Most of the points were<br />
scored by the three star playei<br />
ers: Qutaiba Abdullah, Omer<br />
and Rezan Haji. Each played<br />
an outstanding game, contribui<br />
uting to the team's victory.<br />
One player who showed a<br />
strong performance in the<br />
match and had a huge influei<br />
ence upon his team's victory<br />
was Rezan Haji. After the<br />
match Haji said, "I am so<br />
happy to win the first match<br />
in the new league. I believe<br />
this is a good start and hope<br />
we will play in the same<br />
manner in the rest games of<br />
the league. We need to conti<br />
tinue training, as we have<br />
to prepare also for the West<br />
Asian Basketball Championsi<br />
ships."<br />
Duhok player Hikmat Abid<br />
said, "We didn’t face any diffi<br />
ficulties in the match but that<br />
doesn't mean we will win all<br />
the matches this easily. We<br />
are champions and if we want<br />
to remain as champions, we<br />
need to work hard."<br />
South Oil coach Aqeel Naji<br />
jim said, "It is normal to be<br />
defeated by a team like Duhok<br />
with this result. Most of the<br />
Duhok players are Iraqi nati<br />
tional team players and have<br />
more experience than my<br />
players do. We try to work on<br />
the weak points so we don’t<br />
repeat the same mistakes in<br />
coming matches."<br />
Unlike other <strong>Kurdish</strong> clubs<br />
in the past decade, Duhok has<br />
paid great attention to baski<br />
ketball. It has won the Iraqi<br />
league title three times. In<br />
2011, it was at the top of the<br />
league throughout the season<br />
and had 18 points after beati<br />
ing Karkh in the final game.<br />
PRESS PHOTO<br />
A view of Duhok VS South Oil match at the Iraqi basketball league run in Sports Educattion<br />
indoor hall in Duhok on Jan. 2, 2012<br />
PRESS PHOTO
Last page<br />
No. 335, Saturday, January 07, 2012<br />
M<br />
e<br />
m<br />
o<br />
i<br />
r<br />
s<br />
By Sazan M. Mandalawi<br />
In a drive from Iraqi Kurdistan<br />
into the Iranian side of<br />
Kurdistan—from Khanaqin<br />
to Kermanshah—Dad puts<br />
his hand around my shoulder<br />
and pulls me toward him. I<br />
sit comfortably with my head<br />
against his shoulders. It has<br />
been a while since I lay against<br />
dad’s shoulders. As I place my<br />
hand on top of his, I pause for a<br />
single second. My father’s hands<br />
represent the hands of many, if<br />
not all, <strong>Kurdish</strong> fathers.<br />
In their hands you can read the<br />
story of Kurdistan.<br />
Looking at Dad’s hands, it<br />
appears like a complicated map<br />
created by wrinkles and folds<br />
in the skin, rough marks, and<br />
tones of different colours. There<br />
are little faded wounds here and<br />
there. His hands are worn out,<br />
yet they are still softer than<br />
A father’s hand<br />
mine. Gently stroking them, I<br />
ask myself many questions. Not<br />
just questions of my own father,<br />
but of many <strong>Kurdish</strong> fathers.<br />
How many mountains have<br />
these hands climbed? How many<br />
tasbeehs have they carried?<br />
How many flags have they<br />
waved while holding sarchopy<br />
(leading the <strong>Kurdish</strong> dance)? I<br />
close my eyes, holding his hand,<br />
thinking how many snakes this<br />
hand has killed because there<br />
was no meat for food. How<br />
many wounded Peshmerga<br />
have they helped to heal? How<br />
many heart-breaking lines were<br />
written by those fingers holding<br />
We should<br />
feel guilt,<br />
sympathy<br />
and<br />
responsibility.<br />
a pen? I wonder to myself how<br />
many birds those hands have<br />
fed, and just how many wings<br />
they helped to heal.<br />
These are the same hands that<br />
carried us when we were young,<br />
that held our own hands so that<br />
we could learn to walk; it is these<br />
hands that guided our first steps<br />
and the same hands that treated<br />
our wounds when we fell, that<br />
took us to the doctors when we<br />
were ill and helped build, block<br />
by block, the house we live in<br />
today. It is these hands that have<br />
planted the trees our children<br />
will play under.<br />
Has it ever been that hands<br />
seem to speak words? Observing<br />
and feeling my father’s hands<br />
didn’t just speak words but told<br />
thousands of stories. Here we<br />
are today enjoying the result<br />
of the pain suffered by these<br />
hands.<br />
For a few seconds I was in doubt<br />
whether I should reach out for<br />
the hand cream in my bag and<br />
put some on my father’s hands.<br />
Can I give something in return<br />
to let these hands heal? Could<br />
Nivea really revitalize these<br />
hands and its tired and worn out<br />
cells? Could it bring back life<br />
and its youthful appearance? I<br />
am embarrassed and in doubt:<br />
Would he accept it if I offer a<br />
little Nivea on his weary hands,<br />
or will he laugh considering my<br />
action to be silly.<br />
All this aside, I feel guilty<br />
seeing my still fresh-looking<br />
hands holding his. Even a little<br />
child could tell that that his<br />
hands suffered and endured so<br />
mine could remain as they are.<br />
Maybe with age it is normal for<br />
hands to become wrinkly and<br />
shaky; maybe I am thinking too<br />
deeply. There are many maybes.<br />
However, there is something<br />
I am certain about despite<br />
all the doubts: Today as the<br />
younger <strong>Kurdish</strong> generation we<br />
should feel guilt, sympathy and<br />
responsibility—guilt for living<br />
the life that that our fathers,<br />
mothers and grandparents<br />
worked hard to obtain, sympathy<br />
to give something in return, and<br />
responsibility not to allow the<br />
tireless efforts of millions of<br />
those hands that helped create<br />
today to go wasted.<br />
Now the shaky, wrinkly hands<br />
under mine show signs of<br />
strength from years ago. They<br />
still yell out “you don’t know<br />
what I am willing to do for this<br />
nation.” They probably are still<br />
ready to sacrifice for the cause.<br />
After so much thought, I<br />
decided against Nivea; instead,<br />
I lifted Dad’s hand to give it a<br />
gentle kiss. It means I appreciate<br />
what you have done. But deep<br />
down I know there is much<br />
more I can do than just that.