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F OCUS - American Foreign Service Association

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L E T T E R S<br />

<br />

gressional authority in the stead of<br />

under-resourced civilian agencies. Reestablishing<br />

the proper authorities to<br />

State and USAID will begin to repair<br />

this problem. Congress must also give<br />

civilian institutions the personnel, funding<br />

and guidance necessary to reclaim<br />

the execution of non-military activities<br />

and oversight of non-combat operations.<br />

To achieve our top foreign policy<br />

objectives, the U.S. government must<br />

use all its elements of power. To do<br />

otherwise risks furthering the perception<br />

that <strong>American</strong> foreign policy is<br />

principally implemented with the bayonet.<br />

Ron Capps<br />

FSO, retired<br />

Bethesda, Md.<br />

Editor’s Note: Mr. Capps, the 2007<br />

co-winner of AFSA’s William R. Rivkin<br />

Award for constructive dissent by a<br />

mid-level <strong>Foreign</strong> <strong>Service</strong> officer, is a<br />

program manager for peacekeeping<br />

with Refugees International.<br />

The Military Should Run PRTs<br />

Despite all the good advice in Captain<br />

Sean Walsh’s article in the February<br />

Journal (“Improving the PRT-Military<br />

Professional Relationship”), its<br />

basis is a bit shocking to this veteran of<br />

the pacification program in Vietnam<br />

(1969-1971). Specifically, why aren’t<br />

the Provincial Reconstruction Teams in<br />

Iraq embedded within the military<br />

brigade structure?<br />

In the July-August 2008 Journal, we<br />

learned from William Maley’s article<br />

(“NATO and Afghanistan: Made for<br />

Each Other?”) that in establishing the<br />

PRT program in Afghanistan, we drew<br />

upon the Civil Operations and Revolutionary<br />

Development Support model<br />

from Vietnam. In Vietnam, all State,<br />

USAID and military personnel in<br />

CORDS worked for the commander<br />

of the Military Assistance Command<br />

Vietnam: General Creighton Abrams,<br />

and his deputy, Ambassador William<br />

Colby. But in Iraq, apparently the decision<br />

was made to separate reconstruction<br />

operations from military<br />

operations, at least in terms of the<br />

chain of command.<br />

Much of Capt. Walsh’s good advice<br />

about getting along with the Army<br />

would pertain regardless of the PRT organizational<br />

model. But given counterinsurgency<br />

strategy, where the Army<br />

mission of security rightly comes first,<br />

having separate chains of command<br />

makes no sense. The PRT and its mission<br />

should be “organic” to the brigade<br />

structure. This means the brigade<br />

would “own” the PRT just as it “owns”<br />

its artillery capability.<br />

By making the PRT organic to the<br />

brigade, the brigade then owns, and is<br />

responsible for, the success of its mission,<br />

eliminating any need for the team<br />

to “bum” rides or other brigade support.<br />

However boneheaded a brigade<br />

commander may be about the<br />

need to win hearts and minds, he will<br />

respond to such requests if he knows a<br />

general is going to ask him how his PRT<br />

is doing.<br />

In The Gamble, the new book on<br />

Iraq by Thomas Ricks, we see that it<br />

was Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s<br />

decision not to support the PRTs.<br />

That alone is probably a very good reason<br />

to consolidate the counterinsurgency<br />

mission in Iraq.<br />

Alfred R. Barr<br />

FSO, retired<br />

Washington, D.C.<br />

The Ground Truth About<br />

Virtual Presence Posts<br />

Shawn Dorman’s January article,<br />

“Global Repositioning in Perspective,”<br />

includes a brief and mostly balanced<br />

description of Virtual Presence Posts.<br />

The article accurately notes that the<br />

relative success of a VPP fundamentally<br />

depends on each mission’s commitment<br />

to increasing outreach to important<br />

locales with no permanent U.S.<br />

diplomatic presence.<br />

The article also includes an anonymous<br />

remark from a “Washingtonbased<br />

FSO” who questions the value of<br />

VPPs. The officer is not accurately informed.<br />

Over the last five years, posts<br />

through their own serious and sustained<br />

efforts have established 56<br />

VPPs, up from only five in 2003. Moreover,<br />

over just the past year, posts have<br />

established 21 VPPs, including at least<br />

one new VPP in each regional bureau.<br />

Twelve new ones were created in China<br />

alone.<br />

The significant growth in the use of<br />

Virtual Presence Posts reflects the recognized<br />

benefits and real-world results<br />

associated with a well-run VPP program.<br />

For example, VPPs provide<br />

posts with the means for more organized<br />

and focused mission travel, for better<br />

interagency coordination and for<br />

more strategic application of program<br />

and outreach resources.<br />

Another point of clarification: the<br />

Journal article reports that “in some<br />

countries, the VPP model does serve as<br />

a substitute for the <strong>American</strong> Presence<br />

Post.” This has been true at a few posts,<br />

yet VPPs are always more than just<br />

stand-ins for APPs. VPPs help coordinate<br />

the mission, involving all relevant<br />

sections with a mix of traditional diplomacy<br />

(travel, programs, exchanges) and<br />

modern technologies (branded Web<br />

sites, electronic communication) in<br />

reaching out to important cities, communities<br />

or countries. For this reason,<br />

VPPs have been used as a “bridge”<br />

prior to launching an APP, ensuring<br />

8 F O R E I G N S E R V I C E J O U R N A L / A P R I L 2 0 0 9

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