The Sino-Indian Border Dispute Section 2: 1959-61 - The Black Vault

The Sino-Indian Border Dispute Section 2: 1959-61 - The Black Vault The Sino-Indian Border Dispute Section 2: 1959-61 - The Black Vault

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I I 1 . . ,, I examine, check, and study the historical evidence of each side and draft a joint report on points of "agreement and disagreement" but they were not empowered to recommend a solution. Failure was also reflected in Chou's formal statement to a press conference in New Delhi on 25 April, when he conceded there were "still distances" between the two countries on six points "of proximity'' including the matter of patrolling along the bordbr. After reading thf 8 prepared statement, Chou answered 'queations and made a comment about the border, drawing distinctions between the three sectors. The differences (1) in the central sector were qlsmall...and only on particular amms," (2) in the eastern sector were minor because the Chinese would not cross the so-called McMahon line and '*we have not set . forth any territorial claims," and (3) in the Western sector were '*bigger" because the Chinese asked New Delhi to take a similar stand--i.e. in return for Chinese acceptance of the NEPA status quo, "India was asked not to cross the line which appears on Chlnese maps" in Ladakh--but New Delhi '*h as not entirely agreed."* R egard ing Long j u , Chou insisted to the journalists t'hat it was Chinese territory and north of the McMahon line. Trying to salvage a modicum of goodwill, Chou referred to his formal statement that the dispute is only "temporary" and invited Nehru to come to Peiping when convenient for further talks and "to promote friendly relations.11 An Indian circular message of 27 April summed up the results of Chougs visit in terse language--ttThe views of the two governments remain as far apart as beforel'--and directed Indian embassies to rebutt the final impression Chou sought to create at his surprise news conference (at which he issued what was, in effect, a unAlateral communique) that each side now appreciated the other's point of view better or that there was a prospect fpr a %ettlement .It *Foreign Secretary Duft told the American charge on 28 April that Indian officials did not agree with Chou not to press claims to territory north and east of th e Karakorams, though in effect th eir agreement to avoid i ncidents would keep them from doing SO; - 49 - r- I

, . . 1 '- When Chou and his delegation had left for Katmandu, Nehru apparently decided to insist publicly that the tvwrong"' must be undone-that is, that .tle Chinese '..vabate.-thlelr .."aggression." During his talks with Chou, his attitude had been that the dispute could not be settled by bargaiding or by an exchange but rather by Chinese withdrawals id Ladakh. Chou's position was that if they were to withdraw, nothing Would be left to negotiate about. Wehru told Parliament on 26 April that India's entire argument was based on "Chinese fyrcea having come into our terriCory.Iq Returning from Nepal-where he had signed a Treaty of Peace and Friendship (not a non-aggression pact as Chou had proposed in March in Peiping) and had tried to sooth tempers aroused by Peiping's claim to Mt. Everest during his March 1960 talks with Koirala--Chou on 29 April stated in Calcutta with faintly concealed pique that Nehru had never mentioned aggression during their New Delhi talks and that such an accusation after the Chinese departure was '@unfriendly.** The Chou-Nehru relationship had fallen to its lowest point ever. The Chou-Nehru ''Understanding'@ on Border Patrol1 ing Chou did not gain from Nehru an explicit, formal agreement to stop sending out Indian patrols. Hebelieved, nevertheless, that an Informal mutual understanding had been reached to suspend forward patrolling. The Chinese premier had indicated in his 25 April formal statement in New Delhi that both sides had agreed that "all efforts" should be made to avoid clashes. However, this had not been written into the 25 April communique. Chou also stated at his press conference that there were 'Will distances" between the two sides on the matter of "refraining from patrolling all along the border. Nevertheless, that some form of a verbal mutual understanding had been reached was suggested by the fact that Nehru in Parliament on 29 April did not contradict an opponent who claimed that Nehru had agreed with Chou to stop sending out patrols. The Indian Director of Military Intelligence had told the American military attache on 26 April that Chinese forward patrolling had ceased and that the Indians would take no action which - 50 - I I '

I<br />

I<br />

1<br />

. .<br />

,,<br />

I<br />

examine, check, and study the historical evidence of each<br />

side and draft a joint report on points of "agreement and<br />

disagreement" but they were not empowered to recommend a<br />

solution. Failure was also reflected in Chou's formal<br />

statement to a press conference in New Delhi on 25 April,<br />

when he conceded there were "still distances" between the<br />

two countries on six points "of proximity'' including the<br />

matter of patrolling along the bordbr. After reading thf 8<br />

prepared statement, Chou answered 'queations and made a<br />

comment about the border, drawing distinctions between the<br />

three sectors. <strong>The</strong> differences (1) in the central sector<br />

were qlsmall...and only on particular amms," (2) in the<br />

eastern sector were minor because the Chinese would not<br />

cross the so-called McMahon line and '*we have not set .<br />

forth any territorial claims," and (3) in the Western<br />

sector were '*bigger" because the Chinese asked New Delhi<br />

to take a similar stand--i.e. in return for Chinese acceptance<br />

of the NEPA status quo, "India was asked not to<br />

cross the line which appears on Chlnese maps" in Ladakh--but<br />

New Delhi '*h as not entirely agreed."* R egard ing Long j u ,<br />

Chou insisted to the journalists t'hat it was Chinese territory<br />

and north of the McMahon line. Trying to salvage a<br />

modicum of goodwill, Chou referred to his formal statement<br />

that the dispute is only "temporary" and invited Nehru to<br />

come to Peiping when convenient for further talks and "to<br />

promote friendly relations.11 An <strong>Indian</strong> circular message<br />

of 27 April summed up the results of Chougs visit in terse<br />

language--tt<strong>The</strong> views of the two governments remain as far<br />

apart as beforel'--and directed <strong>Indian</strong> embassies to rebutt<br />

the final impression Chou sought to create at his surprise<br />

news conference (at which he issued what was, in effect,<br />

a unAlateral communique) that each side now appreciated the<br />

other's point of view better or that there was a prospect<br />

fpr a %ettlement .It<br />

*Foreign Secretary Duft told the American charge on 28<br />

April that <strong>Indian</strong> officials did not agree with Chou not to<br />

press claims to territory north and east of th e Karakorams,<br />

though in effect th eir agreement to avoid i ncidents would<br />

keep them from doing SO;<br />

- 49 -<br />

r- I

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