book setup 2069 nijamati.indd
book setup 2069 nijamati.indd book setup 2069 nijamati.indd
Civil society has not played an active role consistently to make the party leadership accountable to the voters and strengthen democracy at the grassroots level. In the perception of many, this is because the large number of the active civil society members affiliate with a party seeking election. Fair representation and participation are necessary for human development. Participation is defined as the involvement of people in economic, social, cultural, and political activities that affect their lives. Citizens can either participate directly or through their representatives or organizations. In the political processes, citizens participate through their legislative representatives or through politically oriented organizations established under a country’s laws. However, representation alone cannot fulfill citizen interests unless their representatives participate effectively in the making of policies and laws that benefit the groups they represent, especially groups of the excluded. People can engage in various ways, chiefly through union activities, public discussions, citizen initiatives, petition-signing, and participation in public protests. However, in Nepal, participation has largely taken the forms of union demonstrations and public protests. Generally trade unions, student unions, and other politically affiliated organizations and their community counterparts call for Bandha, the Nepali term for a strike. It takes various forms, including Bandha of markets or road/transport systems. Bandha has become so common that it is now a norm of Nepali society. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Nepal recorded 755 major events in 2008 alone. 5.6. 2 Decentralization Decentralization directly affects social inclusion. The benefits of decentralization for enriching include the following: • An increase in the participation of communities in decision-making; • Bringing governance closer to people and thus enhancing accountability and access to services; and • Efficient use of funds in accordance with the needs and priorities of communities at the local level. Full de-concentration, devolution and fiscal decentralization can broaden the canvas of recruitment within neighborhoods, allowing women and men 242
of various castes and ethnic groups to join different organizations and fulfill responsibilities they had once thought beyond their purview or abilities. If this kind of decentralization is supported by other policies, such as recruiting frontline service providers who know local languages, it can increase the interface between local people and government structures. Of all Nepal’s efforts in this direction, the most promising was the 1999 Local Self-Governance Act. It included the devolution of basic services, such as education, health, drinking water, agricultural extension, and rural infrastructures. It initiated and increased local grants, putting their management into the hands of local bodies. As of December 2008, 7,729 schools (around 30 percent of the total) were handed over to local School Management Committees; 69% of them were primary schools. In addition, the management of 1,435 health institutions was given over to local level committees. The Interim Constitution of 2007 has also made special provisions for the devolution and decentralization; resource allocations among regions have been made more just and discrepancies between local, regional and central authorities are being eliminated. Never in the history of Nepal have citizens at large involved themselves in such transformations. Excluded groups are now claiming their due share of power and control over resources and representation in various organs of the state – so much so that the political parties that fail to make democracy inclusive face an eclipse of their earlier power by new popular forces. The composition of the new CA on the basis of the mixed electoral system has made it representative in form, if not yet in character, thus marking a major departure from past patterns of representation. Evidence abounds on the increase in educational attainment and health improvement at the local level, implying an improvement both in human development and social inclusion. In recent years, women’s life expectancy has surpassed that of men. However, the progress achieved differed markedly from one group to another, in large measure because Nepal has never realized complete decentralization due to: • A marked lack of political will to extend decentralization to its administrative and fiscal dimensions. The centre retained its monopoly on recruitment, revenue collection, and distribution; • The appointment of regional administrators curtailed the powers of local authorities significantly; • Some of the provisions of the 1999 Local Self-Governance Act contradicted existing laws and by-laws; • Role delineations between the central government and local bodies 243
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of various castes and ethnic groups to join different organizations and fulfill<br />
responsibilities they had once thought beyond their purview or abilities. If this<br />
kind of decentralization is supported by other policies, such as recruiting frontline<br />
service providers who know local languages, it can increase the interface<br />
between local people and government structures. Of all Nepal’s efforts in this<br />
direction, the most promising was the 1999 Local Self-Governance Act. It<br />
included the devolution of basic services, such as education, health, drinking<br />
water, agricultural extension, and rural infrastructures. It initiated and increased<br />
local grants, putting their management into the hands of local bodies. As of<br />
December 2008, 7,729 schools (around 30 percent of the total) were handed over<br />
to local School Management Committees; 69% of them were primary schools.<br />
In addition, the management of 1,435 health institutions was given over to<br />
local level committees. The Interim Constitution of 2007 has also made special<br />
provisions for the devolution and decentralization; resource allocations among<br />
regions have been made more just and discrepancies between local, regional<br />
and central authorities are being eliminated. Never in the history of Nepal<br />
have citizens at large involved themselves in such transformations. Excluded<br />
groups are now claiming their due share of power and control over resources<br />
and representation in various organs of the state – so much so that the political<br />
parties that fail to make democracy inclusive face an eclipse of their earlier<br />
power by new popular forces. The composition of the new CA on the basis of the<br />
mixed electoral system has made it representative in form, if not yet in character,<br />
thus marking a major departure from past patterns of representation.<br />
Evidence abounds on the increase in educational attainment and health<br />
improvement at the local level, implying an improvement both in human<br />
development and social inclusion. In recent years, women’s life expectancy<br />
has surpassed that of men. However, the progress achieved differed markedly<br />
from one group to another, in large measure because Nepal has never realized<br />
complete decentralization due to:<br />
• A marked lack of political will to extend decentralization to its<br />
administrative and fiscal dimensions. The centre retained its<br />
monopoly on recruitment, revenue collection, and distribution;<br />
• The appointment of regional administrators curtailed the powers of<br />
local authorities significantly;<br />
• Some of the provisions of the 1999 Local Self-Governance Act<br />
contradicted existing laws and by-laws;<br />
• Role delineations between the central government and local bodies<br />
243