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A POSTCAPITALIST PARADIGM: THE COMMON GOOD OF ...

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inclusion is being proposed in this notion. The community is a form of<br />

organization that does not support institutionalization, which is not the<br />

case for the public. In the text, buen vivir is used as a civilizing alternative<br />

insofar as it re-establishes relationships between human beings and nature,<br />

but it is necessary to locate, historically and ideologically, the category<br />

of civilization. We consider that we need another notion that does<br />

not refer to such a hegemonic and euro-centric concept.<br />

By incorporating the concept of buen vivir, the Constitutions of Ecuador<br />

and Bolivia make a break with the world economic system based on the<br />

global, capitalist, neo-liberal model, but that is not enough.The Sumak<br />

Kawsay agenda considers that priority should be given, inter alia, to the<br />

following: the administration of community justice, critical interculturality<br />

133 , plurinationalism, the rights of nature and new relationships between<br />

nature and human beings, collective lands, systems that believe<br />

in ‘other’ kinds of spirituality, linguistic rights, the rights to forgotten<br />

memories. Only in this way is it possible to construct the right to dehegemonize<br />

histories and political, ethical and aesthetic alternatives to<br />

the homogenization of cultures and the neoclassical economicism of the<br />

current system, as the conditions for social production will be different.<br />

Modifications (?) of buen vivir for the ‘common good’<br />

Sumak Kawsay, in the various meanings used by the indigenous communities<br />

facilitates the dialogical continuum between human beings and<br />

nature based on respect, equity and diversity in co-existence in order to<br />

generate new social relations that involve unity in exercising the Common<br />

Good. Buen vivir is not an objective, or an end in itself. It is a pro -<br />

cess, exercised by social actors who have been de-legitimized by the<br />

‘ethics of power’ and who demand to participate but with no desire to<br />

be included in the modernizing projects of nation states.<br />

133 That is, an interculturality which is not only based on inter-relationships of culture<br />

according to function, such as co-existence, tolerance, representation, but the ethical<br />

position of politics. It involves the right to criticism, allowing voices that denounce<br />

and propose, which is not always on the agenda of the institutions because this can<br />

be inconvenient. See Catherine Walsh, “Interculturalidad y colonialidad del poder” in<br />

El giro decolonial, 2009<br />

278

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