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A POSTCAPITALIST PARADIGM: THE COMMON GOOD OF ...

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ples. Those whose names are not included on these maps - which turn<br />

subjects into minorities and diminish them - remain strong. “I believe<br />

that the essentialist and compartmentalized approach to ethnicity forms<br />

part of the strategies of the elites to reinforce their power, and that in<br />

this fragmented world, without any doubt, those whose names are left<br />

off the map - the people of mixed race - are those who command and<br />

organize the political society” (Rivera Cusicanqui, 2008:4).<br />

The spatial demarcation of populations into specific cultures, as an exercise<br />

in power, can have perverse effects in two practical respects:<br />

1) Linking authenticity to a specific place hinders the perception of cultures<br />

as living social processes that are subject to constant changes -<br />

including those of place. 2) It also hinders perception of the way violence<br />

results from the exercising of power of one culture over another - in<br />

other words the social relationships that are constantly making themselves<br />

felt in all the interstices of coexistence between different cultures:<br />

in the streets of the cities, the schools, the airports, the transport<br />

systems, etc. But at the same time it magnifies violence inside the various<br />

cultural groups by focusing on territory. Spatial demarcation also<br />

leads to the notion that the best way of coexisting is by setting up ghettos.<br />

However, ghettos not only deny the right to make use of space as<br />

something inherent in humanity; they also negate the possibility of coexisting<br />

- in the sense of learning from others. 121<br />

The thinking that had been putting forward interculturalism as a possibility<br />

by imagining a different economic, social and political order, has in<br />

fact been undermined by these maps which claim to identify and locate<br />

121 The idea of Indigenous Territorial Districts, which was accepted by the new<br />

Ecuadorian Constitution in 2007 aimed at reducing the socio-political conflicts that<br />

were the result of the political demands being made by the indigenous organizations,<br />

based on their questioning of the reigning development model. When the State gave<br />

these territories to the indigenous peoples, it did not take into account the different<br />

political currents within the indigenous movement. It was only a recog nition of cultural<br />

diversity, but it hindered the cultures from developing a real political option for<br />

the whole country. In Bolivia the same thing is happening.<br />

See Rivera Cusicanqui, 2008<br />

244

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