a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua

-461-
9: 2/9: 3
63. Reynolds 1955,139, no. S. 22: seque[ns.... Jo[... Je[. J/cis
memorator M/(.. Jneorum est Mon/[. Jsan filius voc/iis omnibus par/
entibus pos(uitJ/quis et v[... 7... J/diem (.... c. 1O.. ]/vic(toriJarum
[s]u/aram exhibuit/sacrificia [p]are/ntaliorum to/uros n. L1 qu/
inquaginta e[tJ/[unum ] capros [n]/[XX ]XVIII tri [gi/nta o]ct(o....
64. Pers. obs. and Brogan and Smith, forthcoming.
65. See above, note 49.
66. The size of the Chirza settlement and the widespread similarities in
nomenclature across the Sofeggin and Zem-Zem region, suggests that
Ghirza had a tribal and religious importance for the whole zone.
The detailed archaeological detail is given by Brogan and Smith 1957,
and forthcoming.
67. On Ammon and Gurzil worship among the Laguatan see note 61 above and
Corippus, loh., II, 109-112; III, 77-170; VI, 145-187; 556; VII,
515-20; VIII, 300-17.
68. Bulliet 1981,110-14. Compare Picard 1975,98-111.
69. Whittaker 1978,331-32.
70. Matthews 1976,177-78.
71. See above 8: 3, notes 21-23.
72. See above pp. 45-47.
73. See above pp. 136-41, for a rebuttal of the theories which assign
a major role in the raids to the camel.
9: 3 Postscript - the sub-Roman period
1. Courtois 1955, remains the best account of Vandal Africa. See, in
particular, pp. 311-23 on the political and economic structures and
pp. 325-50 on the Vandal/Berber interaction.
2. As note 1. Also Bourgeois 1980,213-28; Pringle 1981,10-13.
3. Warmington 1954,69-75, on late Latin and Christian inscriptions
from the area of Volubilis and western Mauretania Caesariensis
dating to the period from the mid - fifth to mid-seventh centuries.
Many of these were dated by "provincial
year" over two hundred years
after the provinces had ceased to exist. Moorish chieftains on the
fringes of the Vandal. kingdom still retained the Latin titles they
had previously used to justify their power, pp. 74-75. See also
Camps 1974,191-208.
4. Diehl 1896 and Pringle 1981 are the standard works on Byzantine Africa.
See Pringle 1-44 for a detailed historical analysis.
5. Pringle 1981,208-86, summarises the evidence for the Byzantine
garrison towns on the Tripolitanian coast.
6. Procopius, Wars, III, 3,25-27; IV, 8,25, on the resentment caused by
the Byzantine reassessment of taxes. Also Pringle 1981,11-12, on
the apparent lack of enthusiasm for the reconquest among the Romano-
Libyan
landholders.
7. See notes 3 above and 33-34 below.
8. Warmington 1954,69-75; Pringle 1981,11-16.
9. Abun-Nasr 1975,67-86; Brett 1978b; 1978c.
10. Camps 1980, passim; Abun-Nasr 1975,67-138.
11. Abun-Nasr 1975,10-11; also relevant sections of Oliver 1978.
12. Mattingly 1983,96-106; Jerary 1976, passim.
13. See note 5 above.
14. Contrary to the older view of Goodchild 1953,195-209. By the sixth
century, most of the gasr dwellers were probably Laguatan or had
been assimilated by them. There is no epigraphic evidence for the
existence of a formal garrison in the former frontier zone; Goodchild
simply assumed that all defensive buildings were military in nature.