a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua
a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua
a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua
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Ii! 1<br />
-460-<br />
9: 2<br />
43. Ammianus Marcellinus xxix, 5,2-3.<br />
44. Matthews 1976,157-86; also Lawless 1970,105-12.<br />
45. Matthews 1976,177, concludes that "Above all, I would suggest ...<br />
that the limes structure as we see it in the Notitia Dignitatum<br />
depended entirely on the co-operation and participation <strong>of</strong> the native<br />
princes in order to function at all. "<br />
46. See above, Chapter 8: 3.<br />
47. See above, 6: 2, notes 61-63.<br />
48. Brogan and Smith 1957,179-81. Brogan 1975b, 272-74,276.<br />
49. Brogan and Smith 1957,177-78; Brogan 1975b, 268-72,276; Reynolds,<br />
Brogan and Smith 1958,112-115.<br />
50. Pers. obs. with ULVP.<br />
51. Jerary 1976, passim; also see above pp. 92-95; 136-41.<br />
52. Mattingly 1983,96-108. The raids are attested in Cyrenaica by the<br />
Letters <strong>of</strong> Synesius and in Tripolitania by Ammianus Marcellinus,<br />
XXVIII, 6,1-5; 6,10-14. In Byzantine times the confederation was<br />
active much further west against Byzacium and on one raid they<br />
reached as far north as Lares (see Procopius, Wars, Books III-IV;<br />
Corippus, loh, passim.<br />
53. Synesius, Catastasis I, 1568. Cf. Letters 78.<br />
54. Mattingly 1983,104-05.<br />
55. Courtois 1955,71-79, dated the abandonment <strong>of</strong> the eastern Tripolitanian<br />
limites to the end <strong>of</strong> the third century A. D. The evidence I have<br />
presented suggests that Rome never willingly renounced control, but<br />
that with few troops, the security <strong>of</strong> the zone increasingly rested on<br />
the cooperation <strong>of</strong> tribal groups. The real breakdown <strong>of</strong> this revised<br />
<strong>frontier</strong> system occurred during the mid - late fourth century during<br />
the main period <strong>of</strong> Laguatan raids. The decline <strong>of</strong> western Tripolitania<br />
was slightly slower, but the Laguatan were probably making inroads<br />
there too by the early fifth century. See also 8: 3, note 15, above.<br />
56. The fundamental <strong>study</strong> is Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953a, 1-83. See<br />
also Haynes 1959,163-69; di Vita 1967,121-42, de Angelis d'Ossat<br />
and Farioli 1975,28-156. Pariberi 1927,75-82, demonstrated the<br />
continued survival <strong>of</strong> Christianity in the region after the Arab<br />
conquest.<br />
57. These are Suk el-Oti on the wadi Buzra south <strong>of</strong> Beni Ulid, Ward-<br />
Perkins 1952,25-30; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953a, 54-56; Haynes<br />
1959,166-67, and Chafagi Aamar on the S<strong>of</strong>eggin near Mizda, Barth<br />
1857,107-10; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953a, 50-54; Haynes 1959,<br />
167-69.<br />
58. There were bishoprics at Turris Tamalleni, Tacapae and Gigthis,<br />
Trousset 1974,44.<br />
59. IRT 863; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1953a, 4-5,37-43, for a Donatist<br />
church in the Gebel Nefusa. Frend 1971, remains the standard work on<br />
Donatism, but see now also Frend 1978,410-90.<br />
60. On the rural shrines, see Goodchild 1951b, 79-84; 1952d, 158-59;<br />
Brogan and Oates 1953,74-80. IRT 898 and 900 and Reyholds 1955,<br />
no. S. 22 graphically indicate some <strong>of</strong> the aspects <strong>of</strong> the ancestor cult<br />
(see above, notes 38 and 63). Bates 1914,181-82, summarised the<br />
literary evidence for the importance <strong>of</strong> ancestor worship in Libyan<br />
religion.<br />
61. Corippus, roh., II, 109; 405; V, 25; 39; 495; VI, 116; VIII, 304,619.<br />
For the Neo-Punic inscriptions see Levi della Vida 1951,65-68; Elmayer<br />
1982,49-50 and (pers. typescript) 1983.<br />
62. De Slane 1913,31-32.