a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua
a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua
-449- 8: 3 4. See, for example, Synesius Letters 67,105,106,134 and 148, describing the normally happy prosperity of rural life; Corippus, loh, II, 56; III, 29, mentioning that two harvests were still sometimes possible and describing the abundance of grain, vines and olives. 5. Expositio Totius mundi 61, in GLM: paene ipsa omnibus gentibus usum olei praestare potest. 6. Zevi and Tchemia 1967,173-214, on late Roman amphora from Byzacium, which were still exported in large numbers. 7. See Warmington 1954,27-68, for a remarkably clear sited account, stressing that the decline was from great prosperity to relative prosperity. 8. Reynolds 1971a, 53-58; Goodchild 1967a, 114-124; Lloyd 1977; 1983 and pers. comm. (on the dramatic decline in trade from the port at Berenice (Benghazi) in the fourth century A. D. ). 9. Lepelley 1979; 1981a, passim, bearing out the conclusions of Warmington 1954,27-54. 10. Di Vita 1980,303-07; Rebuffat 1980b, 309-28; Goodchild 1967b, 229-37. Synesius Letter 58, wrote of a succession of disasters, an earthquake, an invasion of locusts, a pestilence, a fire and finally war. 11. P. Kendrick (pers. comm. ) suggests that Sabratha suffered in several earthquakes, one in the Flavian period and another in A. D. 365. In the former case the city was rapidly rebuilt, in the latter the reconstruction was much slower and less complete. 12. Lepelley 1967,135-44; 1979,11-36, discusses a law of Honorius (Cod. Theod. XI, 28,13) which has been previously assumed to show that only 1/11 of the total agricultural lands of Proconsularis and Byzacium remained in cultivation (and therefore taxable) in the early fifth century. But as Lepelley shows, the lands in question were imperial estates and, in fact, the figures indicate that 5/9 of the land relating to them was still cultivated. 13. ILT 243; cf Peyras 1975,181-222. 14. Lepelley 1979,362-64. 15. In A. D. 393 the Council of Hippo excused Tripolitania from sending three bishops and in 397 there were only five bishops left in the coastal towns, which were separated from each other by barbarian tribes, Mansi, Concilia 295-96. . III , 880; 925; 927 quoted in Jones 1971, 16. Synesius, Letters, 130 and 134. 17. Synesius, Letters, 57,58,67,69,94,95 (when the tribesmen encamped on his own estate), 104,107,113,122,125,130,132,133,134; Ammianus Marcellinus XXVIII, 6,4; 6,10-13; Tomlin 1979,253-70; Mattingly 1983,96-108. 18. Procopius, de ae: d., VI, 4,1-12. 19. Kendrick pers. comm. and Pringle 1981,208-11,222-25. 20. Ibn Abd-el-Hakam (Gateau 1947,35-37). See also note 15 above. 21. Oates 1953,111; 1954,91-117. 22. As note 20. The "Rum" or Romano-Libyan urban landholders were dispossessed, but"the Afariq who were subject to the Rum remained, paying a tribute which they were accustomed to render to all who occupy their country. " 23. Procopius, wars, IV, 21,2-11. 24. Cf Haynes 1959,54-60. 25. Denham and Clapperton 1826,305-11; de Mathuisieulx 1904,22-27; Bauer 1933,61-78; Brogan and Smith 1957,173-84 and forthcoming. 26. Brogan and Smith 1957,183, assign the main prosperity to the fourth century. For the inscription, see Reynolds 1955,139, S. 22. See also above, 8: 2, note 18.
-450- 8: 3/8: 4 27. Contrary to the older view of Haynes 1959,60 who saw their main prosperity lying in the fourth and fifth centuries (mainly on the Ghirza evidence). The observations of Brogan (see 8: 1, note 24) and the recent work of the ULVP must reverse this conclusion. 28. Rebuffat 1982c, 197-99 and pers. obs. 29. Pers. obs. and pers. comm. J. N. Dore, who suggests that the second century rather than the third was the era of maximal prosperity. 30. In particular the obelisk tomb seems to be an early type, some examples even have Neo-Punic dedications (el Amud, Mselletin, Bir Gebira), Brogan 1971,124-27. 31. App. 3, nos. 114-19. 32. By design or force of circumstances they seem to have, in effect, with- drawn from the Roman market economy. 33. Surplus produce was no doubt still exchanged between farmers and pastoralists and between country and town, but on a much reduced scale and more often because of social obligations than for trade. 34. This is the tribal situation described by Procopius and Corippus at the time of the Byzantine reconquest. 35. Mattingly 1983,96-108 and above pp. 92-95,136-41. 36. See above, 6: 2 note 62 and 8: 3, note 15. 37. E1 Bekri (de Slane 1913,31-32) described continuing settlement at Ghirza and Gasr Mimoun in the eleventh century. Similarly at a slightly later date el Edrisi (Dozy and Goeje 1866,154) mentioned continued olive oil production near Lepcis. However he also noted that agriculture around Sort - ancient Iscina had been depleted by repeated Arab raids (143-44). See further, 9: 3 below. 38. Goodchild 1952c, 147-56. 8: 4 Trade 1. Haywood 1938,62-69,111. 2. On trade in the Roman world, the book by Charlesworth (1924) is still indispensable. 3. Lyon 1821, Richardson 1848; Barth 1857, Nachtigal 1974, Duveyrier 1864. 4. For instance, Barth 1857,99, met a caravan near Mizda consisting of 25 camels and 60 slaves in transit; Lyon 1821,152-54, listed the main articles of trade on the caravan route; de Mathuisieulx 1904,75-78, described a caravan to Kano in great, detail. 5. This seemed to be confirmed by the discovery of Roman forts at Bu Njem, Gheriat and Chadames, Cagnat 1914b, 109. For a summary of the older views, see Bates 1914,101-07. 6. Richardson 1848,480, Tripoli to Ghadames in 15 days, Ghadames - Chat 20 days, Ghat - Murzuk 15 days, Murzuk - Tripoli 30 days; Barth 1857, 451, made the journey from Sebha - Tripoli in 18 days; Nachtigal 1974; 42, gave his rate of travel as 31 -4 km per hour, 66, this made the trip from Tripoli - Murzuk about 30 days. The "caravan" routes ran not only north-south, there were east to west routes as well, Bates 1914,8-17; Governo della Cirenaica 1930,11-15,39-46; Rebuff at 1970c, 181-87; 1970d, 1-21; Luni 1979,49-65; 1980,119-37. Isolated coin finds in the Sahara confirm the antiquity of these routes, Mauny 1956,249-60. 7. For a range of views compare the more moderate ideas on trans-Saharan trade of Daniels 1970a, 42-44, with those of Ayoub 1968a, 41-53,77-81. 8. De Mathuisieulx 1904,75-78, described a caravan which left Tripoli in 1899 and returned three years later after travelling to Kano and back. It comprised 40 camels each carrying an 175 kg load. Lyon 1821, 152-57, described the objects of trade in his day. From Tripoli to Fezzan were carried beads, coral, glass armlets, needles, silk, red cloth, bales of linen, muslin, shawls, Turkish carpets, kaftans,
- Page 35 and 36: -399- 4: 5 12. See above note 7. Ma
- Page 37 and 38: I -401- CHAPTER 5 FRONTIER THEORY A
- Page 39 and 40: -403- 5: 1 36. A few examples from
- Page 41 and 42: -405- 5: 1 66. On Byzantine frontie
- Page 43 and 44: -407- 5: 2 15. Desanges 1957,5-43.
- Page 45 and 46: -409- 5: 2 intervention and when Ca
- Page 47 and 48: -411- 5: 3 12. The evidence has bee
- Page 49 and 50: -413- 5: 3 50. See note 49, above.
- Page 51 and 52: -415- 5: 4 43. Rebuffat 1981,213-22
- Page 53 and 54: -417- FOOTNOTES CHAPTER 6 TRIPODITA
- Page 55 and 56: -419- 6: 1 53. Romanelli 1939,110-1
- Page 57 and 58: -421- 6: 2 9. The case has been con
- Page 59 and 60: -423- 6: 2 /6: 3 presented each one
- Page 61 and 62: -425- 6: 3 Tillibari (Ramada); Then
- Page 63 and 64: -427- 6: 3 have been a nzanerus col
- Page 65 and 66: -429- 6: 4 9. Rebuffat 1977,402-14;
- Page 67 and 68: -431- 7: 1 26. See Jones et al 1983
- Page 69 and 70: -433- 7; 1/7; 2 81. Cagnat 1913,542
- Page 71 and 72: 7: 2 -435- 45. The survey of the si
- Page 73 and 74: -437- 7; 3 2. See Pringle 1981,96 a
- Page 75 and 76: -438- 7: 3 28. Trousset 1978,167-79
- Page 77 and 78: -440- 7: 4 V1CI 1. The study of vic
- Page 79 and 80: -442- 7; 4 53. But one should note
- Page 81 and 82: -444- 8: 1 26. Dore 1983,54-57. Als
- Page 83 and 84: -446- 8: 1 64. As is the case with
- Page 85: -448- 8: 2/8: 3 22. For further exa
- Page 89 and 90: -452- 8: 4 33. See the classic acco
- Page 91 and 92: 9: 1 -454- promptior. Severus was a
- Page 93 and 94: -456- 9: 1 82. Nimran himself canno
- Page 95 and 96: -458- 9: 1/9: 2 124. Brown 1972,294
- Page 97 and 98: Ii! 1 -460- 9: 2 43. Ammianus Marce
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-450-<br />
8: 3/8: 4<br />
27. Contrary to the older view <strong>of</strong> Haynes 1959,60 who saw their main<br />
prosperity lying in the fourth and fifth centuries (mainly on the<br />
Ghirza evidence). The observations <strong>of</strong> Brogan (see 8: 1, note 24) and<br />
the recent work <strong>of</strong> the ULVP must reverse this conclusion.<br />
28. Rebuffat 1982c, 197-99 and pers. obs.<br />
29. Pers. obs. and pers. comm. J. N. Dore, who suggests that the second<br />
century rather than the third was the era <strong>of</strong> maximal prosperity.<br />
30. In particular the obelisk tomb seems to be an early type, some examples<br />
even have Neo-Punic dedications (el Amud, Mselletin, Bir Gebira),<br />
Brogan 1971,124-27.<br />
31. App. 3, nos. 114-19.<br />
32. By design or force <strong>of</strong> circumstances they seem to have, in effect, with-<br />
drawn from the <strong>Roman</strong> market economy.<br />
33. Surplus produce was no doubt still exchanged between farmers and<br />
pastoralists and between country and town, but on a much reduced scale<br />
and more <strong>of</strong>ten because <strong>of</strong> social obligations than for trade.<br />
34. This is the tribal situation described by Procopius and Corippus at<br />
the time <strong>of</strong> the Byzantine reconquest.<br />
35. Mattingly 1983,96-108 and above pp. 92-95,136-41.<br />
36. See above, 6: 2 note 62 and 8: 3, note 15.<br />
37. E1 Bekri (de Slane 1913,31-32) described continuing settlement at<br />
Ghirza and Gasr Mimoun in the eleventh century. Similarly at a<br />
slightly later date el Edrisi (Dozy and Goeje 1866,154) mentioned<br />
continued olive oil production near Lepcis. However he also noted<br />
that agriculture around Sort - ancient Iscina had been depleted by<br />
repeated Arab raids (143-44). See further, 9: 3 below.<br />
38. Goodchild 1952c, 147-56.<br />
8: 4 Trade<br />
1. Haywood 1938,62-69,111.<br />
2. On trade in the <strong>Roman</strong> world, the book by Charlesworth (1924) is still<br />
indispensable.<br />
3. Lyon 1821, Richardson 1848; Barth 1857, Nachtigal 1974, Duveyrier 1864.<br />
4. For instance, Barth 1857,99, met a caravan near Mizda consisting <strong>of</strong> 25<br />
camels and 60 slaves in transit; Lyon 1821,152-54, listed the main<br />
articles <strong>of</strong> trade on the caravan route; de Mathuisieulx 1904,75-78,<br />
described a caravan to Kano in great, detail.<br />
5. This seemed to be confirmed by the discovery <strong>of</strong> <strong>Roman</strong> forts at Bu Njem,<br />
Gheriat and Chadames, Cagnat 1914b, 109. For a summary <strong>of</strong> the older<br />
views, see Bates 1914,101-07.<br />
6. Richardson 1848,480, Tripoli to Ghadames in 15 days, Ghadames - Chat<br />
20 days, Ghat - Murzuk 15 days, Murzuk - Tripoli 30 days; Barth 1857,<br />
451, made the journey from Sebha - Tripoli in 18 days; Nachtigal 1974;<br />
42, gave his rate <strong>of</strong> travel as 31 -4 km per hour, 66, this made the<br />
trip from Tripoli - Murzuk about 30 days. The "caravan" routes ran<br />
not only north-south, there were east to west routes as well, Bates<br />
1914,8-17; Governo della Cirenaica 1930,11-15,39-46; Rebuff at 1970c,<br />
181-87; 1970d, 1-21; Luni 1979,49-65; 1980,119-37. Isolated coin<br />
finds in the Sahara confirm the antiquity <strong>of</strong> these routes, Mauny<br />
1956,249-60.<br />
7. For a range <strong>of</strong> views compare the more moderate ideas on trans-Saharan<br />
trade <strong>of</strong> Daniels 1970a, 42-44, with those <strong>of</strong> Ayoub 1968a, 41-53,77-81.<br />
8. De Mathuisieulx 1904,75-78, described a caravan which left Tripoli in<br />
1899 and returned three years later after travelling to Kano and back.<br />
It comprised 40 camels each carrying an 175 kg load. Lyon 1821,<br />
152-57, described the objects <strong>of</strong> trade in his day. From Tripoli<br />
to Fezzan were carried beads, coral, glass armlets, needles, silk,<br />
red cloth, bales <strong>of</strong> linen, muslin, shawls, Turkish carpets, kaftans,