a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua
a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua
-443- FOOTNOTES CHAPTER '8' THE ' FRONTIER *E CONOMY 8: 1 The development of'agriculture 1. Haywood 1938,39-51; Leglay 1968,220; Soyer 1973,375-92; 1976,107- 80; Trousset 1977b, 175-207. 2. Cf Fentress 1979,175-87. 3. Lawless 1970,166-67, saw this as a key factor in the development of agriculture in Mauretania Caesariensis. 4. Pliny XVIII, 35, on the acquisitions made by Nero; Picard 1956,163-73; Van Nostrand 1925, passim; Lepeiley 1967,135-44; 1979,29-36. 5. On the agricultural laws, see Van Nostrand 1925,9-11; on African centuriation, see Chevallier 1958,61-128, Dilke 1971,151-58; also note 1 above. 6. On the role of the Flavians in Africa see Leglay 1968, passim; on Flavian policy generally see Dilke 1971,40-41; on the lex Manciana and the legal technicalities of land-holding, see Van Nostrand 1925,11; Romanelli 1974,319-63. 7. Leglay 1968,220; Trousset 1977b, 175-207; Barbery and Delhoume 1982, 227-43, for instance, all deal with the growth of olive cultivation on the steppe-lands between el Djem (Thysdrus) and Sbeitla (Sufetula) from the late first century onwards. 8. Suetonius, Vesp, XVI, 1. See also Statius, Silvae, I, 4,83-86 on the role of Vespasian's special legate, Rutilius Gallicus. 9. Cf. Tacitus, Agric. 21. 10. Some of the problems of establishing a Roman market economy in a frontier zone are discussed by Jones and Walker 1983,189-93. Compare also Shaw 1981a. 11. Baradez 1949a, passim; Fentress 1979,124-79. 12. Caesar, BAf, 97,3; the question of which "Leptis" was involved is dis- cussed by Romanelli 1924a; Pflaum 1959 and di Vita-Evrard 1979. The fact that Cato wintered at Lepcis suggests that Caesar had most cause to punish that city. The often quoted derogatory remarks made by Pliny, NH, XV, 8 and Juvenal, Satires, V, 5,88 are inconsistent with the mass of archaeological evidence for the production and export of African olive oil, see Camps-Fabrer 1953. 13. Gsell 1924,41-46. 14. Taylor 1960,91. 15. Di Vita-Evrard 1979,67-98. 16. See inter alia, Cowper 1897, passim; Myres 1899,280-93; Oates 1953, 81-117 (on the Fergian region near Tarhuna). The surveys of two further olive farms in the Fergian region (figs. 46-47) were made by myself in 1981, with assistance from J. N. Dore and J. R. Burns. 17. See above pp. 7-8. 18. On the villas in Tripolitania, see Percival 1976,61-66; Aurigemma 1926a; Guidi 1933; Oates 1953. For recent excavations of oil-producing villas see Ward-Perkins et al 1965; Cotton 1979; Carandini and Tatton-Brown 1980. 19. Percival 1976,63-64; Pavis d'Escurac 1974,90-96. 20. Apuleius Apol, XLIV, 6; XCIII, 4; CVI, 5. 21. Tacitus, Hist, IV, 50. 22. Di Vita-Evrard 1979,90-97. 23. See above 7: 2, notes 27,32-36. 24. Brogan 1964,45-52; 1971a, 121-30; Brogan and Smith 1967,139-43; di Vita 1964a, 66-79. 25. Barker and Jones 1981,22-42; 1982,8-21.
-444- 8: 1 26. Dore 1983,54-57. Also pers. comm. of his computer-logged records. Surface sherding of the principal olive farm in the wadi Lamout produced the following totals of identifiable fine wares: Terra sigillata: 39 sherds; early ARS: 18; late ARS: 4 and TRS: 4. The floreat of the site was undoubtedly the late first and second centuries A. D. 27. For instance, sherding of sites in the upper wadi Ghirza produced the following figures. Of 47 sites with identifiable fine wares, 13 had Terra sigillata, 34, early ARS, 14 late ARS and 12 TRS. The quantities of the late wares were also much smaller. (From J. N. Dore's database). One of these early sites (Gh 81) was built in opus Africanum. 28. Rebuffat 1977,398-99, stated that there was no pre-third century evidence from the Kebir, but has retracted this in his latest paper 1982c, 192-93. Brogan 1965b, had already noted second century material in the region. 29. Euzennat, pers. -corm. notes that the dating evidence for some sites along the Tebaga corridor is late first to second century. In 7: 2 above I have disputed the normal military interpretation of these sites. 30. Brogan 1962,368-73; 1964,47-52; 1965a, 47-56; 1971a, 121-30; di Vita 1964a, 66-71; Levi della Vida 1963,65-94; 1965,59-62; see also Chapter 9 below. 31. As note 30 and 9: 1 below. 32. Pavis d'Escurac 1974,96-98; di Vita 1964a, 66-71. 33. Brogan 1964 , 49-50; 1971a, 124; Levi della Vida 1964a, 57-63. 34. Brogan 1962,368-73; 1965a, 47-56; Trousset 1974,110-113 (CIL 8.22758). Compare Trousset's interpretation of these south Tunisian tombs without reference to the evidence for agricultural development in their vicinity (155-57). 35. Brogan 1964,52-53 for an inscription from the gasr close to the main olive farm in the el-Amud. The inscription refers to the construction of the opus super patris aedificium addidit. The main period of occupation of the low-lying farm is first and second century, that of the hilltop gasr is late second century onwards (on the basis of sherd samples). 36. Pers. obs. in the wadi Agerem (Ag 1). See also Barker and Jones 1981,, 38. 37. Jones and Barker 1980,23-30; Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,43-54. 38. For the hillforts see above pp. 113-21 and App. 2. As we shall see the larger olive farms developed as a link between a traditional embedded economy and a cash/market economy. 39. The initial form of social organisation was certainly tribal, but under Rome traditional forms of authority or prestige seem to have received expression as open social or wealth differences. The existence of a dependent peasant stratum in the late Roman period is known from Arabic sources (Gateau 1947,35-37). 40. On slave labour in Tripolitania, see Gsell 1932,397-415; and, contra, Pavis-d'Escurac 1974,92; Garnsey 1978,235-37; Apuleius, Apol, XCIII, 4; CIL 8 22721. 41. IRT 859, near Jefren, cf. note 30 above. 42. Levi della Vida 1951,65-68, for an inscription from the territorium of Lepcis, referring to a Libyan notable called Shasidwasg son of Tarnrar of the people of Masinkaw. 43. Apuleius, Apol, LXXXVII, 7: earn rationibus vilicorum et upilonorum et equisonum sollertissime supscripsisse; Pavis d'Escurac 1974,94-96. 44. Apuleius, Apol, XCIII, 4, refers to over 400 slaves owned by his wife Pudentilla. The majority of these seem to have been used on the land, see Pavis d'Escurac 1974,94. 45. Van Nostrand 1925,20-24, on the inscription from the fundus at Hr Mettich in Tunisia (CIL 8.25902) which fixed the following percentage rents to the contractor:
- Page 29 and 30: -393- 4: 2 13. Sallust, BJ, XCII, 1
- Page 31 and 32: -395- 4: 2 65. For Saniat Gebril, s
- Page 33 and 34: -397- 4: 3j4; 4 20. Camps 1960,279-
- Page 35 and 36: -399- 4: 5 12. See above note 7. Ma
- Page 37 and 38: I -401- CHAPTER 5 FRONTIER THEORY A
- Page 39 and 40: -403- 5: 1 36. A few examples from
- Page 41 and 42: -405- 5: 1 66. On Byzantine frontie
- Page 43 and 44: -407- 5: 2 15. Desanges 1957,5-43.
- Page 45 and 46: -409- 5: 2 intervention and when Ca
- Page 47 and 48: -411- 5: 3 12. The evidence has bee
- Page 49 and 50: -413- 5: 3 50. See note 49, above.
- Page 51 and 52: -415- 5: 4 43. Rebuffat 1981,213-22
- Page 53 and 54: -417- FOOTNOTES CHAPTER 6 TRIPODITA
- Page 55 and 56: -419- 6: 1 53. Romanelli 1939,110-1
- Page 57 and 58: -421- 6: 2 9. The case has been con
- Page 59 and 60: -423- 6: 2 /6: 3 presented each one
- Page 61 and 62: -425- 6: 3 Tillibari (Ramada); Then
- Page 63 and 64: -427- 6: 3 have been a nzanerus col
- Page 65 and 66: -429- 6: 4 9. Rebuffat 1977,402-14;
- Page 67 and 68: -431- 7: 1 26. See Jones et al 1983
- Page 69 and 70: -433- 7; 1/7; 2 81. Cagnat 1913,542
- Page 71 and 72: 7: 2 -435- 45. The survey of the si
- Page 73 and 74: -437- 7; 3 2. See Pringle 1981,96 a
- Page 75 and 76: -438- 7: 3 28. Trousset 1978,167-79
- Page 77 and 78: -440- 7: 4 V1CI 1. The study of vic
- Page 79: -442- 7; 4 53. But one should note
- Page 83 and 84: -446- 8: 1 64. As is the case with
- Page 85 and 86: -448- 8: 2/8: 3 22. For further exa
- Page 87 and 88: -450- 8: 3/8: 4 27. Contrary to the
- Page 89 and 90: -452- 8: 4 33. See the classic acco
- Page 91 and 92: 9: 1 -454- promptior. Severus was a
- Page 93 and 94: -456- 9: 1 82. Nimran himself canno
- Page 95 and 96: -458- 9: 1/9: 2 124. Brown 1972,294
- Page 97 and 98: Ii! 1 -460- 9: 2 43. Ammianus Marce
- Page 99 and 100: 9: 3 -462- 15. Jones 1971,293. 16.
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- Page 113 and 114: -476- II The Banat 'Village (Nf '39
- Page 115 and 116: -478- APPENDIX 3: MILITARY EPIGRAPH
- Page 117 and 118: -480- RAS EL AIN (Talalati, Tabalat
- Page 119 and 120: -482- 29. [In]comparabilis virtutis
- Page 121 and 122: -484- GASR ZERZI 48. Imp Caes L Sep
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- Page 125 and 126: iI . -488- 84. [. ]allomentis/praed
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8: 1<br />
26. Dore 1983,54-57. Also pers. comm. <strong>of</strong> his computer-logged records.<br />
Surface sherding <strong>of</strong> the principal olive farm in the wadi Lamout<br />
produced the following totals <strong>of</strong> identifiable fine wares: Terra<br />
sigillata: 39 sherds; early ARS: 18; late ARS: 4 and TRS: 4. The<br />
floreat <strong>of</strong> the site was undoubtedly the late first and second<br />
centuries A. D.<br />
27. For instance, sherding <strong>of</strong> sites in the upper wadi Ghirza produced the<br />
following figures. Of 47 sites with identifiable fine wares, 13 had<br />
Terra sigillata, 34, early ARS, 14 late ARS and 12 TRS. The quantities<br />
<strong>of</strong> the late wares were also much smaller. (From J. N. Dore's database).<br />
One <strong>of</strong> these early sites (Gh 81) was built in opus Africanum.<br />
28. Rebuffat 1977,398-99, stated that there was no pre-third century<br />
evidence from the Kebir, but has retracted this in his latest paper<br />
1982c, 192-93. Brogan 1965b, had already noted second century<br />
material in the region.<br />
29. Euzennat, pers. -corm. notes that the dating evidence for some sites<br />
along the Tebaga corridor is late first to second century. In 7: 2<br />
above I have disputed the normal military interpretation <strong>of</strong> these<br />
sites.<br />
30. Brogan 1962,368-73; 1964,47-52; 1965a, 47-56; 1971a, 121-30;<br />
di Vita 1964a, 66-71; Levi della Vida 1963,65-94; 1965,59-62; see<br />
also Chapter 9 below.<br />
31. As note 30 and 9: 1 below.<br />
32. Pavis d'Escurac 1974,96-98; di Vita 1964a, 66-71.<br />
33. Brogan 1964<br />
, 49-50; 1971a, 124; Levi della Vida 1964a, 57-63.<br />
34. Brogan 1962,368-73; 1965a, 47-56; Trousset 1974,110-113 (CIL<br />
8.22758). Compare Trousset's interpretation <strong>of</strong> these south Tunisian<br />
tombs without reference to the evidence for agricultural development<br />
in their vicinity (155-57).<br />
35. Brogan 1964,52-53 for an inscription from the gasr close to the main<br />
olive farm in the el-Amud. The inscription refers to the construction<br />
<strong>of</strong> the opus super patris aedificium addidit. The main period <strong>of</strong><br />
occupation <strong>of</strong> the low-lying farm is first and second century, that <strong>of</strong><br />
the hilltop gasr is late second century onwards (on the basis <strong>of</strong><br />
sherd<br />
samples).<br />
36. Pers. obs. in the wadi Agerem (Ag 1). See also Barker and Jones 1981,, 38.<br />
37. Jones and Barker 1980,23-30; Buck, Burns and Mattingly 1983,43-54.<br />
38. For the hillforts see above pp. 113-21 and App. 2. As we shall see<br />
the larger olive farms developed as a link between a traditional<br />
embedded economy and a cash/market<br />
economy.<br />
39. The initial form <strong>of</strong> social organisation was certainly tribal, but<br />
under Rome traditional forms <strong>of</strong> authority or prestige seem to have<br />
received expression as open social or wealth differences. The<br />
existence <strong>of</strong> a dependent peasant stratum in the late <strong>Roman</strong> period is<br />
known from Arabic sources (Gateau 1947,35-37).<br />
40. On slave labour in Tripolitania, see Gsell 1932,397-415; and, contra,<br />
Pavis-d'Escurac 1974,92; Garnsey 1978,235-37; Apuleius, Apol,<br />
XCIII, 4; CIL 8 22721.<br />
41. IRT 859, near Jefren, cf. note 30 above.<br />
42. Levi della Vida 1951,65-68, for an inscription from the territorium<br />
<strong>of</strong> Lepcis, referring to a Libyan notable called Shasidwasg son <strong>of</strong><br />
Tarnrar <strong>of</strong> the people <strong>of</strong> Masinkaw.<br />
43. Apuleius, Apol, LXXXVII, 7: earn rationibus vilicorum et upilonorum et<br />
equisonum sollertissime supscripsisse; Pavis d'Escurac 1974,94-96.<br />
44. Apuleius, Apol, XCIII, 4, refers to over 400 slaves owned by his<br />
wife Pudentilla. The majority <strong>of</strong> these seem to have been used on<br />
the land, see Pavis d'Escurac 1974,94.<br />
45. Van Nostrand 1925,20-24, on the inscription from the fundus at<br />
Hr Mettich in Tunisia (CIL 8.25902) which fixed the following<br />
percentage rents to the contractor: