a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua

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6: 2
9. The case has been convincingly made by Daniels 1970a, 24-26; 1971a,
262-65; 1975,24-25. Romanelli 1962,220-26, saw strong similarities
between the Garamantes and the Baquates in their relationships to Rome.
10. Marichal 1979,451.
11. As note 10. The obvious parallels for this practice are to be found
in the correspondence of St. Augustine, Letters, 46-47.
12. An enigmatic Greek inscription recording the name Aurelius has sometimes
been associated with a possible (but doubtful) centurial mark (7) on the
same rock on top of Zinchecra. Even though this is not very convincing
(see Daniels 1975,256-57), it is possible in the light of the Bu Njem
discoveries that Aurelius was a soldier on detachment rather than a
merchant.
13. Daniels 1977,5-7.
14. John of Biclar, 569,1 (c. A. D. 568).
15. See 6: 1, note 67, for an example of Byzantine unpreparedness for
desert campaigning.
16. Rebuffat 1969,194-95; 1972a, 322-24 (for comparison the modern oasis
is 2 km2), ,
17. Rebuffat 1972a, 333; 1975c, 498-99; Duveyrier 1864,249-50; Mercier
1953,17-47.
18. On some of the older discoveries at Ghadames, see'Mercier 1953,17-47;
Coro 1956,3-26.
19. Rebuffat 1972a, 323-24.
20. Raiding from sites so close to the Gebel would have invited retaliation,
whilst the existence of a substantial trade could only follow on from
diplomatic agreement.
21. See Euzennat and Trousset 1975,86, who suggest that Tillibari may be
22.
equivalent to the Phazanian centre recorded as Cilliba by Pliny.
IRT 907,908,909, (App. 3, nos. 22-25). The last is dated to the
23.
reign of Septimius Severus post-A. D. 201.
See 6: 1, note 69 above.
24. Procopius, de aed., VI, 3,9-11: they had "been at peace with Romans
from ancient times", but the fact that it was necessary for Justinian
to "win them over" implies a gap in treaty relations. The A. D. 544-48
revolt is the obvious context, particularly as John Troglitas tried
to launch a campaign in the direction of Ghadames (Corippus VI, 261-
378). The Cidamensi were described as pacati because of the long term
nature of their treaty. See also Rebuffat 1982a, 492-99; Trousset
1981a, 11-12, on treaty relationships.
25. Herodotus IV, 172.
26. Florus II, 31.
27. Mela I, 8,46.
28. Epitome of Dio (Loeb) LXVII, 3-5: Domitian claimed to have "forbidden
the tribe to exist. "
29. Procopius, de aed., VI, 2,14-20, described the important temples and
shrines to Ammon at Augila where paganism remained strong "even up to
my own day. "
30. See now, Mattingly 1983,96-108.
31. Procopius, de aed., VI, 2,18-20, this is to be sua®ised from the
reported fact that the Augilae adopted Christianity -a feature of
other treaties imposed by the Byzantines after the crushing of the
Laguatan revolt in 548.
32. The coastal plain was centuriated between Lepcis and Zliten, showing
that the lower wadi Caam (Cinyps) was certainly absorbed into the
territoriun of Lepcis (pers. obs. of detailed AMS maps).
33. The Libyan sheik who erected the Ammonium at Ras el-Haddagia near
Tarhuna and the Libyco-Punic family who farmed the wadi el-Amud (Lamout)
are examples of these Libyan tribal elements in the first two centuries
A. D. See Levi della Vida 1951,65-68; 1964a, 57-63; di Vita 1964a, 66-71.