a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua

a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua

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-404- 5: 1 histories in the mid-sixth century, Britain had long ceased to be part of the Roman world, but a memory of Hadrian's Wall survived in a grotesque myth (Wars, VIII (- Bell. Goth. IV), 20,47-50). Beyond the Wall lay a poisonous wasteland of perpetual dark where terrible creatures dwelt and where no normal animal could survive. 54. Jones 1979,62-66, reports an apparent example of divergent development of settlement patterns north and south of Hadrian's Wall, as revealed by air survey. 55. Luttwak 1976,111-17. 56. Mitford 1972; 1980,1180-192, for the detailed historical and archaeological data. See also Luttwak 1976,104-11; Jones 1978,126-30. 57. Luttwak 1976,116-17: "once scientific borders were everywhere established in final form, the dynamic combination of hegemonic control and offensive military power became redundant and with it the entire system of client-state peripheraries. " This is plainly incorrect. After the annexation of Lesser Armenia, Commagene and Sophene, Rome continued to exert considerable pressure on Armenia and Parthia by her political alliances with the client-states of Albania and Iberia in particular, Mitford 1980,1175-183,1193-199. 58. Tacitus, Ann., VI, 32,1; Appian, Proem, 7: "They give kings to a great many other nations who they do not wish to have under their own government. " Cf. Tacitus, Agric, 14. 59. The Dacian kingdom of Decebalus received technical aid and subsidies in the late first century, CAM XI, 176 and 185. A similar policy was evidently followed on the Rhine, Tacitus, Germania, 15: "The practice of accepting money payments they have now learnt from us. " See also Germania, 29; 41-42, on the varying status of German client tribes. An inscription from Harmozica in the Russian Caucasus (ILS 8795 - Mitford 1972, no. 124) records aid given to the Iberian client king in constructing defences in the entrance to the Darial pass. Troops were also sent on missions to neighbouring Albania, Mitford 1972, no. 135. 60. See note 58, above; also Tacitus, Ann, XI, 16, the Cherusci asked Claudius to appoint a king over them and were sent Italicus, son of Rome's ally Flavus (and nephew of Arminius), who had been "educated" in Rome. A similar incident occurred on the Danube a few years earlier, concerning the Suebi, Ann II, 62-63; XIV, 31-39. In that case no attempt was made to intervene in the tribal in-fighting and the losers were given refuge inside the empire, whilst the victors immediately accepted Roman hegemony. In Britain, the struggle between Queen Cartimandua and her Brigantian consort Vannius, threatened Roman hegemony and required the intervention of Roman troops on several occasions, Tacitus Ann. XII, 40; Hist. III, 45; Agric. 17. 61. Suetonius, Aug., 21; the celebrated '. 'E. logium of Plautius Silvanus", ILS 986 (cf. also ILS 985), mentions the resettlement of 100,000 tribesmen from across the Danube in Moesia. 62. Birley 1976a, 266-78; C. D. Gordon, The Subsidization of Border peoples as a Roman Policy of Imperial defence (PhD University of Michigan 1948) - cited in Luttwak 1976,215 (not seen). 63. Birley 1976,266-72; 277-78. 64. Luttwak 1976,130-88; Mann 1979a, 181-83. Defence-in-depth was not pursued as systematically as the earlier strategies, but it was certainly the most successful of several alternative responses to the invasions of the late Empire. Jones has recently attempted to relate a defence-in-depth strategy to the evidence for Roman Britain (1978,134-44; 1979,66-70). On late Roman fortifications, see Petrikovits 1971,178-218; on the late Roman army, see Van Berchem 1952; 1977; Jones 1964, Chapt. XVII and Appendix II; 1971. 65. This policy was made unavoidable after the crushing defeat of Valens by the Goths at Hadrianopolis (Edirne) in A. D. 378, Grant 1974,282-85.

-405- 5: 1 66. On Byzantine frontier policy in Africa, see now Pringle 1981,51-170 (an admirable survey of army organisation, strategy and style of fortifications). In both Africa and the Eastern provinces, Byzantine strategy was based on defence-in-depth using fortified towns, settlements and fortresses and an elastic response from large, mobile field armies. 67. Dyson-1971,267-74; 1974,277-83; 1975,138-75, deal with the negative response (that is, revolt). Warmington 1974,291-96, urges the recogni- tion of the variability of response. For an example of Roman and native interaction from Roman Britain, see Breeze 1982,56-58,128-30. 68. See above, Chapters 3 and 4 and, below, chapter 6. 69. As happened in Britain, when Boudica led the Iceni in revolt or much earlier in Pannonia and Illyricum in A. D. 6-9. 70. Younger Pliny, Letters IV, 9 and V. 20 deal with the trial of officials for corruption and extortion and these cases were fairly typical of the legal processes (and punishments) by which provincials could get redress by judicial means. Nevertheless, individuals did occasionally provoke revolts by their rapacity, as happened in Britain in A. D. 60-61 on account of the procurator, Decianus Catus (Tacitus, Ann, XIV, 31-32) Some minor official abuses are described in Tacitus, Agri c., 19. 71. This decision was taken on the advice of Catus' successor as procurator, Iulius Classicianus, Ann, XIV, 38. 72. The process of pacification and Romanisation is well described by Tacitus again, Agric. 21: namque ut homines dispersi ac rudes, eoque in bella faciles, quieti et otio per voluptates adsuescerent, hortari privatim, adiuvare publice ut templa fora domas exstruerunt ... lam vero principum filios liberalibus artibus erudire. For both individuals and tribes the rewards for acquiescence could be great, vide the privileged position of the Hermunduri on the Danube (Tacitus, Germania 41), Cottius in the Alps under Augustus (CIL 5.7231 - ILS 94) and Cogidubnus in Britain (Tacitus, Agric., 14). 73. See, for example, the interesting series of papers edited by Bohannon and Plog 1967. A recent paper by Bartel (1980,11-26) examines problems of Roman imperialism and colonialism in terms of the methodologies of the modern frontier anthropologist. 74. Inter alia. I have made particular use of Oliver 1979,13-23 (European colonialism in West Africa); Kirk 1979,39-55 (British Northwest frontier in India); Gellner and Micaud 1972 (on Morocco); Martel 1965 and Trousset 1981 (for the French military occupation of southern Tunisia). Abun-Nasr 1975 and Knapp 1977 have proved indispensable as summary accounts of European colonisation and decolonisation in North west Africa as a whole. Finally, I have learned a great deal through conversations with Dr. W. Warrell-Bowring (of Sandhurst) about European colonial government in East Africa. 75. The most recent theories on the population of Roman Britain are summarised in Salway 1981,542-52. The other figures are from Oliver 1979,17-18. Dr. Bowring informs me that in one area of Tanganyika where he was on the colonial staff, there were only 11 policemen and no soldiers to control a native population of 400,000. In this instance, as in countless others, military security was secured by tactful diplomacy, indirect rule through traditional tribal leaders and unimpeachable justice. 76. Cagnat 1913,104-05. At the height of the Algerian war of Independence, France had over 120,000 troops in Algeria, Abu-Nasr 1975,330. 77. Wells 1972, summarises the German evidence: Webster 1970,179-97; Frere 1978,78-111, are already outdated as summaries of the British deployment. Jones 1975,8-67, is a useful survey of the archaeological evidence for early forts and fortresses (discoveries up to 1975).

-405-<br />

5: 1<br />

66. On Byzantine <strong>frontier</strong> policy in Africa, see now Pringle 1981,51-170<br />

(an admirable survey <strong>of</strong> army organisation, strategy and style <strong>of</strong><br />

fortifications). In both Africa and the Eastern <strong>province</strong>s, Byzantine<br />

strategy was based on defence-in-depth using fortified towns,<br />

settlements and fortresses and an elastic response from large, mobile<br />

field armies.<br />

67. Dyson-1971,267-74; 1974,277-83; 1975,138-75, deal with the negative<br />

response (that is, revolt). Warmington 1974,291-96, urges the recogni-<br />

tion <strong>of</strong> the variability <strong>of</strong> response. For an example <strong>of</strong> <strong>Roman</strong> and native<br />

interaction from <strong>Roman</strong> Britain, see Breeze 1982,56-58,128-30.<br />

68. See above, Chapters 3 and 4 and, below, chapter 6.<br />

69. As happened in Britain, when Boudica led the Iceni in revolt or much<br />

earlier in Pannonia and Illyricum in A. D. 6-9.<br />

70. Younger Pliny, Letters IV, 9 and V. 20 deal with the trial <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials<br />

for corruption and extortion and these cases were fairly typical <strong>of</strong> the<br />

legal processes (and punishments) by which provincials could get redress<br />

by judicial means. Nevertheless, individuals did occasionally provoke<br />

revolts by their rapacity, as happened in Britain in A. D. 60-61 on account<br />

<strong>of</strong> the procurator, Decianus Catus (Tacitus, Ann, XIV, 31-32)<br />

Some minor <strong>of</strong>ficial abuses are described in Tacitus, Agri c., 19.<br />

71. This decision was taken on the advice <strong>of</strong> Catus' successor as procurator,<br />

Iulius Classicianus, Ann, XIV, 38.<br />

72. The process <strong>of</strong> pacification and <strong>Roman</strong>isation is well described by<br />

Tacitus again, Agric. 21: namque ut homines dispersi ac rudes, eoque<br />

in bella faciles, quieti et otio per voluptates adsuescerent, hortari<br />

privatim, adiuvare publice ut templa fora domas exstruerunt ...<br />

lam<br />

vero principum filios liberalibus artibus erudire. For both<br />

individuals and tribes the rewards for acquiescence could be great,<br />

vide the privileged position <strong>of</strong> the Hermunduri on the Danube (Tacitus,<br />

Germania 41), Cottius in the Alps under Augustus (CIL 5.7231 - ILS<br />

94) and Cogidubnus in Britain (Tacitus, Agric., 14).<br />

73. See, for example, the interesting series <strong>of</strong> papers edited by Bohannon<br />

and Plog 1967. A recent paper by Bartel (1980,11-26) examines problems<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>Roman</strong> imperialism and colonialism in terms <strong>of</strong> the methodologies <strong>of</strong><br />

the modern <strong>frontier</strong><br />

anthropologist.<br />

74. Inter alia. I have made particular use <strong>of</strong> Oliver 1979,13-23 (European<br />

colonialism in West Africa); Kirk 1979,39-55 (British Northwest<br />

<strong>frontier</strong> in India); Gellner and Micaud 1972 (on Morocco); Martel 1965<br />

and Trousset 1981 (for the French military occupation <strong>of</strong> southern<br />

Tunisia). Abun-Nasr 1975 and Knapp 1977 have proved indispensable as<br />

summary accounts <strong>of</strong> European colonisation and decolonisation in North<br />

west Africa as a whole. Finally, I have learned a great deal through<br />

conversations with Dr. W. Warrell-Bowring (<strong>of</strong> Sandhurst) about<br />

European colonial government in East Africa.<br />

75. The most recent theories on the population <strong>of</strong> <strong>Roman</strong> Britain are<br />

summarised in Salway 1981,542-52. The other figures are from Oliver<br />

1979,17-18. Dr. Bowring informs me that in one area <strong>of</strong> Tanganyika<br />

where he was on the colonial staff, there were only 11 policemen and<br />

no soldiers to control a native population <strong>of</strong> 400,000. In this<br />

instance, as in countless others, military security was secured by<br />

tactful diplomacy, indirect rule through traditional tribal leaders<br />

and unimpeachable<br />

justice.<br />

76. Cagnat 1913,104-05. At the height <strong>of</strong> the Algerian war <strong>of</strong> Independence,<br />

France had over 120,000 troops in Algeria, Abu-Nasr 1975,330.<br />

77. Wells 1972, summarises the German evidence: Webster 1970,179-97;<br />

Frere 1978,78-111, are already outdated as summaries <strong>of</strong> the British<br />

deployment. Jones 1975,8-67, is a useful survey <strong>of</strong> the archaeological<br />

evidence for early forts and fortresses (discoveries up to 1975).

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