a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua

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histories in the mid-sixth century, Britain had long ceased to be part
of the Roman world, but a memory of Hadrian's Wall survived in a
grotesque myth (Wars, VIII (- Bell. Goth. IV), 20,47-50). Beyond the Wall
lay a poisonous wasteland of perpetual dark where terrible creatures
dwelt and where no normal animal could survive.
54. Jones 1979,62-66, reports an apparent example of divergent development
of settlement patterns north and south of Hadrian's Wall, as revealed
by air survey.
55. Luttwak 1976,111-17.
56. Mitford 1972; 1980,1180-192, for the detailed historical and
archaeological data. See also Luttwak 1976,104-11; Jones 1978,126-30.
57. Luttwak 1976,116-17: "once scientific borders were everywhere
established in final form, the dynamic combination of hegemonic
control and offensive military power became redundant and with it the
entire system of client-state peripheraries. " This is plainly incorrect.
After the annexation of Lesser Armenia, Commagene and Sophene, Rome
continued to exert considerable pressure on Armenia and Parthia by her
political alliances with the client-states of Albania and Iberia in
particular, Mitford 1980,1175-183,1193-199.
58. Tacitus, Ann., VI, 32,1; Appian, Proem, 7: "They give kings to a great
many other nations who they do not wish to have under their own
government. " Cf. Tacitus, Agric, 14.
59. The Dacian kingdom of Decebalus received technical aid and subsidies in
the late first century, CAM XI, 176 and 185. A similar policy was
evidently followed on the Rhine, Tacitus, Germania, 15: "The practice
of accepting money payments they have now learnt from us. " See also
Germania, 29; 41-42, on the varying status of German client tribes.
An inscription from Harmozica in the Russian Caucasus (ILS 8795 -
Mitford 1972, no. 124) records aid given to the Iberian client king in
constructing defences in the entrance to the Darial pass. Troops were
also sent on missions to neighbouring Albania, Mitford 1972, no. 135.
60. See note 58, above; also Tacitus, Ann, XI, 16, the Cherusci asked
Claudius to appoint a king over them and were sent Italicus, son of
Rome's ally Flavus (and nephew of Arminius), who had been "educated"
in Rome. A similar incident occurred on the Danube a few years earlier,
concerning the Suebi, Ann II, 62-63; XIV, 31-39. In that case no attempt
was made to intervene in the tribal in-fighting and the losers were given
refuge inside the empire, whilst the victors immediately accepted Roman
hegemony. In Britain, the struggle between Queen Cartimandua and her
Brigantian consort Vannius, threatened Roman hegemony and required the
intervention of Roman troops on several occasions, Tacitus Ann. XII, 40;
Hist. III, 45; Agric. 17.
61. Suetonius, Aug., 21; the celebrated '. 'E. logium of Plautius Silvanus",
ILS 986 (cf. also ILS 985), mentions the resettlement of 100,000
tribesmen from across the Danube in Moesia.
62. Birley 1976a, 266-78; C. D. Gordon, The Subsidization of Border peoples
as a Roman Policy of Imperial defence (PhD University of Michigan
1948) - cited in Luttwak 1976,215 (not seen).
63. Birley 1976,266-72; 277-78.
64. Luttwak 1976,130-88; Mann 1979a, 181-83. Defence-in-depth was not
pursued as systematically as the earlier strategies, but it was
certainly the most successful of several alternative responses to
the invasions
of the late Empire. Jones has recently attempted to
relate a defence-in-depth strategy to the evidence for Roman Britain
(1978,134-44; 1979,66-70). On late Roman fortifications, see
Petrikovits 1971,178-218; on the late Roman army, see Van Berchem
1952; 1977; Jones 1964, Chapt. XVII and Appendix II; 1971.
65. This policy was made unavoidable after the crushing defeat of Valens
by the Goths at Hadrianopolis (Edirne) in A. D. 378, Grant 1974,282-85.