a comparative study of a Roman frontier province. - Historia Antigua

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4: 3 CULTURE AND RELIGION
1. Bates 1914,118-141, Dress and ornamentation; 142-171, Material culture
and art; 172-209, Religion. See now, Camps 1980,145-92, on the varied
acculturation of the Berber peoples, 193-271 on religion.
2. Garnsey 1978,252-54.
3. Benabou 1976, passim; compare the review by Whittaker 1978b, 190-92.
4. Garnsey 1978,254. Janon 1977,474-77, made the same basic point when
he referred to the"permeabitE selective" of Roman culture.
5. Beechey and Beechey 1828,504-12.
6. As an example of the wealth of some graves, Daniels 1973,39, records
the contents of tomb 17 as follows: a saddle quern and rubber, an
incense cup. 11 amphorae, 5 glass bowls, 9 small faience bowls
(Egyptian) ; 31 fine red ware bowls and dishes (including Arretine ware).
This quantity of grave goods is paralleled in other burials, Ayoub 1967b,
213-19.
7. Moorhead 1960,58, records that Speke's gifts for Mukesa, king of
Buganda, included several rifles and guns, a gold watch, a telescope,
an iron chair, beads, silk cloths and knives, spoons and forks!
8. Rebuffat 1969,194-95; 1972,322-23. The finds of second century
pottery cover an area of 1.5 km2 (the modern oasis is 2 km2).
9. Bates 1914,189-200; Camps 1980,215-20, on the predominant place of
Ammon in the pantheon of the Eastern Libyans; see also Leglay 1966,
a fundamental work on the religion of the indigenous population of
Africa.
10. Herodotus, I, 46; II, 18; 32; III, 25 (Zeus Ammon); IRT. 920
(lovi Hammon); Rebuffat 1967,62-3; 1973b, 135-36.
11. Rebuffat 1970c, 182; Bates 1914,200. The inscription (IRT 920)
from Bu Njem celebrates the return of the vexillation.
12. The associations of the Ammon cult and oases are illustrated by Lucan,
IX, 522-27. Esse locis superos testatur silva per omnem/sola virens
Libyen. Nam quidquid pulvere sicco/separat ardentem tepida Berenicida
Lepti/Ignorat frondes; solus nemus abstulit Hammon/Silvarum fons causa
loco, qui putria terrae/A1ligat et domitas unda conectit harenas.
13. Bates 1914,191-95, identified Egyptian representations of Amon as a
seated and enbalmed figure. The fact that the Nasamones buried their
dead in such a seated position (Herodotus, IV, 190) and were celebrated
for their practice of ancestor worship (Mela, I, 8,46) are evidence
for the significance of this aspect of the Ammon cult.
14. Bates 1914,190-95, listed the chief references to the prophetic powers
of Ammon. The importance of the Siwa oracle declined in the Roman
period and frequent references suggest that a second, more westerly,
oracular centre developed, almost certainly at Augila. (Silius Italicus,
III, 6-11; III, 647-714; Lucan IX, 522-27; Procopius, de Aed. VI, 2,15-20).
15. Bates, 1914,190-95; Rebuffat 1970c, 181-87; Augila, see 4: 2 note 74;
Bu Njem (Gholaia), Rebuffat 1967,62-3; 1970b, 135-36 and Fig 5, p. 162;
Ras el-Haddagia (Breviglieri) Goodchild 1951b/1976.79-84, Levi Della
Vida 1951,65-68; Arae Philaenorum Goodchild 1952d, 159,167;
Ad Ammonem (16 Roman miles west of Sabratha), Tab Peut, Seg VII;
also Ptolemy, IV, 3,42 for a site somewhere in the Tripolitanian
hinterland; in Benghazi there is a hill still called Tel Amun.
16. Corippus, III, 77-155, on the visit of the father of Antalas to the
oracle of Ammon to learn his son's destiny; VI, 145-187, on the oracle
sought by Carcasan and then used to excite opposition to Byzantium;
VI, 556; VII, 515-520; VIII, 252, all reiterate the importance of the
oracle to the cohesion of the Laguatan confederation. Other significant
religious references are, II, 109-112; III, 158-70; VI, 116-18.
17. Frend 1971.
18. Gellner 1969,31-34.
19. Gellner 1969,8-9.