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1: INTRODUCTION where the observer has the ability to scrutinise his or her own observations (Arvastson and Ehn 2009:20). Ehn writes that “ethnographic observations are not something one just does, but something that is created and used for a more or less conscious purpose. It is here the researcher’s objectivity and fantasy meet” (Ehn 2009:54 [my translation]). But our interpretations are not created out of nothing. By being transparent about how a site affects us we can make the process of our interpretation more clear. We may interpret a site in different ways but it is still based on the material we have at hand. My way of writing can be seen as a less traditional archaeological approach as I place myself firmly in my texts. As archaeologist Joanna Brück points out, as we observe, we interpret and this means the author is always present (Brück 2005:56). I am not suggesting that the impressions that affect me would necessarily have affected others in the same way in the past and I am therefore not suggesting that people who were in the vicinity of the border areas during the Cold War period would have had the same thoughts as me. I do believe, however, that our impressions affect us whether we are aware of this bias or not. As researchers, the impressions of a site will affect our results and our conclusions. It is, however, more difficult to describe the feeling of a place, or the way it affects us than to describe the physical features of it. The subjective has previously had little room in the reports that we produce even if it has always affected the way archaeologist work (Berggren 2002:24). The body’s interaction with the material we interpret is something that has become more acknowledged in more recent years (see discussion in Harris and Sørensen 2010, Edgeworth et al. 2012). By referring to the writings of Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty and Latour, Olsen (2010) challenges us to rethink the ontology that our attitude towards things is based on and to emphasise the importance of the body in the world. He quotes Heidegger: “we are always-already in the world, the world is part of our being – not something external, ‘out there’ to eventually be embodied” (Heidegger 1982:137 quoted by Olsen 2010:96). In Persistent Memories Andreassen, Bjerck and Olsen write of their work at a former Soviet mining community in Svalbard, which closed in 1998: “Our fieldwork was preliminary and experimental, attempting to grasp and sense the place” (Andreassen, Bjerck and Olsen 2010:24, emphasis in original). Harrison and Schofield highlight the importance of experiencing a place and write that “an experimental approach can work, conveying a sense of what the place is like, in situations where detailed survey is just too vast an undertaking” (Harrison and 21

AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE IRON CURTAIN Schofield 2010:207). I would say that this is important in any level of survey, detailed or more overarching. My walkover survey was carried out in two ways. During a systematic study of sections of the former militarised border, all remains relating to the border or border infrastructure were recorded on a map and notes were taken, and targeted surveys were carried out in particular places. The second type of walkover survey was more spontaneous in character. These surveys consisted of visits to sites, areas or buildings that had been raised as possible areas of interest, either through other kinds of research such as maps, documents, literature, or looking at satellite photos. They were also often based on tips that were given by people that I met during the time I spent in an area and where therefore often spontaneous and not researched beforehand. This way of looking at an area or a material, has been called “bimbling”, a concept first described by Anderson (2004), and which has been used by archaeologist John Schofield and Emily Morrissey during their research of Strait Street in Valetta, Malta. They describe the difficulty of approaching a material which is often only available during short moments when shown by a property owner or when pointed out by people passing by. They found that “bimbling” described as “interviews conducted in and through a place, to generate a collage of collaborative knowledge and give people the opportunity to re-experience their connections with landscape and to reminisce, prompting ‘other life-course memories associated with that individual’s relationship with place’” (Harrison and Schofield 2010:76) was the best way to approach the material. They write: “So we bimbled – walking up and down Strait Street, talking with those we met, making notes and using the digital video camera where it felt appropriate. We were told what bars were where, and we began to gain an impression of what many of these places were like” (Schofield and Morrissey 2007:93). In a similar way I used this more walkabout and flexible style of surveying to gain an understanding of the places along the former Iron Curtain and to be able to follow the connections which they provided. Interviews were also important for my understanding of the material. Sometimes these were combined with the walkover surveys such as my walk with Maria and Antonio along the border near Trieste, visits to sites along the Slovenian-Italian border with Andrej, or the time I spent with the guide David in the Podyji National Park in the Czech Republic. In fact most of the people that I interviewed wanted to meet me at, or bring me to, a particular site that they felt had a connection with the border, the military or the 22

1: INTRODUCTION<br />

where the observer has the ability to scrutinise his or her own observations<br />

(Arvastson and Ehn 2009:20). Ehn writes that “ethnographic observations<br />

are not something one just does, but something that is created and used for<br />

a more or less conscious purpose. It is here the researcher’s objectivity and<br />

fantasy meet” (Ehn 2009:54 [my translation]). But our interpretations are<br />

not created out of nothing. By being transparent about how a site affects us<br />

we can make the process of our interpretation more clear. We may interpret<br />

a site in different ways but it is still based on the material we have at hand.<br />

My way of writing can be seen as a less traditional archaeological approach<br />

as I place myself firmly in my texts. As archaeologist Joanna Brück points<br />

out, as we observe, we interpret and this means the author is always present<br />

(Brück 2005:56). I am not suggesting that the impressions that affect me<br />

would necessarily have affected others in the same way in the past and I am<br />

therefore not suggesting that people who were in the vicinity of the border<br />

areas during the Cold War period would have had the same thoughts as me.<br />

I do believe, however, that our impressions affect us whether we are aware<br />

of this bias or not. As researchers, the impressions of a site will affect our<br />

results and our conclusions.<br />

It is, however, more difficult to describe the feeling of a place, or the way<br />

it affects us than to describe the physical features of it. The subjective has<br />

previously had little room in the reports that we produce even if it has<br />

always affected the way archaeologist work (Berggren 2002:24). The body’s<br />

interaction with the material we interpret is something that has become<br />

more acknowledged in more recent years (see discussion in Harris and<br />

Sørensen 2010, Edgeworth et al. 2012). By referring to the writings of<br />

Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty and Latour, Olsen (2010) challenges us to<br />

rethink the ontology that our attitude towards things is based on and to<br />

emphasise the importance of the body in the world. He quotes Heidegger:<br />

“we are always-already in the world, the world is part of our being – not<br />

something external, ‘out there’ to eventually be embodied” (Heidegger<br />

1982:137 quoted by Olsen 2010:96). In Persistent Memories Andreassen,<br />

Bjerck and Olsen write of their work at a former Soviet mining community<br />

in Svalbard, which closed in 1998: “Our fieldwork was preliminary and<br />

experimental, attempting to grasp and sense the place” (Andreassen, Bjerck<br />

and Olsen 2010:24, emphasis in original). Harrison and Schofield highlight<br />

the importance of experiencing a place and write that “an experimental<br />

approach can work, conveying a sense of what the place is like, in situations<br />

where detailed survey is just too vast an undertaking” (Harrison and<br />

21

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