Tagging and Graffiti - Victoria University of Wellington
Tagging and Graffiti - Victoria University of Wellington
Tagging and Graffiti - Victoria University of Wellington
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<strong>Tagging</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Graffiti</strong>: attitudes <strong>and</strong> experiences <strong>of</strong> New Zeal<strong>and</strong>ers<br />
cohesion to the group (Ferrell, 1995; Halsey <strong>and</strong> Young, 2006). Halsey <strong>and</strong> Young (2006)<br />
criticise academics for presuming that graffiti writers are oppressed or disenfranchised, <strong>and</strong><br />
for ignoring the familial support <strong>and</strong> recognition felt within their community. Furthermore,<br />
Halsey <strong>and</strong> Young (2006) argue against focusing on graffiti writing as meaningless <strong>and</strong><br />
excessive behaviour, as this contradicts the reality <strong>of</strong> preparation <strong>and</strong> practice that goes into<br />
graffitists’ work. Cultural criminology is a theoretical perspective that focuses on the intense<br />
meanings invested in activities such as graffiti <strong>and</strong> the centrality <strong>of</strong> such activities to<br />
participants’ lifestyles. Crime <strong>and</strong> deviance are <strong>of</strong>ten analysed by cultural criminologists as<br />
<strong>of</strong>fering thrills, pleasure <strong>and</strong> the ‘seductions <strong>of</strong> crime’ (Katz, 1988 cited in Carrabine, Iganski,<br />
Lee <strong>and</strong> Plummer, 2004; 84). Cultural criminology also sought to critique traditional<br />
motivational accounts <strong>of</strong> crime which <strong>of</strong>ten saw crime as being in some way pathological.<br />
Although cultural criminology is critical <strong>of</strong> rational choice theories <strong>of</strong> crime, arguing that some<br />
kinds <strong>of</strong> crime such as graffiti are motivated by excitement <strong>and</strong> thrill seeking, this does not<br />
mean that there are not important meanings or motivations behind activities such as graffiti.<br />
Another motivation for graffiti writers comes from their alternative view <strong>of</strong> the urban<br />
l<strong>and</strong>scape (Halsey <strong>and</strong> Young, 2006). <strong>Graffiti</strong>sts see surfaces as marked by weather <strong>and</strong> rust,<br />
damaged by atmospheric conditions <strong>and</strong> so on. As such, no area is pristine <strong>and</strong> consequently<br />
can be altered by anyone. Likewise graffitists look at blank walls as an opportunity to liven up<br />
the environment. All structures <strong>and</strong> surfaces are a ready canvas to explore; to decorate a<br />
negative space <strong>and</strong> bring it to life (Halsey <strong>and</strong> Young, 2006). Ferrell (1993) describes the<br />
alternative way young writers communicate via their art form; for some it is the only way<br />
they have to express themselves publicly. Writing is also a way <strong>of</strong> connecting to the city, with<br />
pride taken in the recognition gained in their alternative community (Halsey <strong>and</strong> Young,<br />
2006). Additionally, White (2001) explains that there are as many different types <strong>of</strong> graffiti<br />
writer as there are forms <strong>of</strong> graffiti; from political messages to art pieces. In order to address<br />
graffiti v<strong>and</strong>alism, policy makers must underst<strong>and</strong> the graffiti writers’ perspective on their<br />
activities (Halsey <strong>and</strong> Young, 2006).<br />
It is also important to note that graffiti <strong>and</strong> tagging, although not exclusively carried out by<br />
young people (those aged between 14 <strong>and</strong> 25), are <strong>of</strong>ten linked to ‘youth’, <strong>and</strong> it is the case<br />
that many <strong>of</strong> those involved in graffiti <strong>and</strong> tagging can be classed as young people. <strong>Graffiti</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> tagging therefore need to be considered in the wider context <strong>of</strong> youth crime. There is<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten the perception that youth crime is out <strong>of</strong> control, although according to the Ministry <strong>of</strong><br />
Youth Justice in 2000, young <strong>of</strong>fenders cannot be seen as a category <strong>of</strong> ‘criminals’ that is<br />
homogeneous. For example, <strong>of</strong> all the young men who commit an <strong>of</strong>fence, as a quarter <strong>of</strong> all<br />
young men in New Zeal<strong>and</strong> do, the vast majority will settle down to become law abiding<br />
citizens in their twenties: only 15-20 per cent <strong>of</strong> the ‘ever <strong>of</strong>fended’ category go on to commit<br />
more <strong>of</strong>fences later in life. This follows international patterns with countries like Australia, UK<br />
<strong>and</strong> United States (USA) reporting similar patterns in youth <strong>of</strong>fending. The vast majority (75<br />
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