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Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies

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Culture of trauma and identity politics - critical frames and emancipatory lenses of cultural...<br />

Let me gear this discussion towards <strong>the</strong> importance of artistic and scholarly <strong>in</strong>ter ventions<br />

<strong>in</strong>terrogat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> politics of abjection, affect, revolt and collectivity <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> SFRY and post-<br />

SFRY context which traverse <strong>the</strong> petrified ideological straitjackets of cultural politics<br />

today when it comes to identity-memory regimes. The fractur<strong>in</strong>g of biopolitics and capital,<br />

tied to <strong>the</strong> crisis of sovereignty, statehood and statecraft only attests to contemporary losses<br />

of <strong>the</strong> subject and <strong>the</strong> political, through very specific material bodies, experiences and<br />

<strong>in</strong>sights. For <strong>in</strong>stance, it is important to provide a critique and appraisal of those gestures<br />

that escape <strong>the</strong> post-political b<strong>in</strong>d of <strong>the</strong> “culture of exception/trauma/terror” that persist<br />

despite all state-build<strong>in</strong>g and democratiz<strong>in</strong>g efforts <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g a host of <strong>in</strong>ternational and<br />

national agencies and globaliz<strong>in</strong>g processes (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g “Europeanization”).<br />

Globally, to agree with Boris Buden’s commentary on Frederick Jameson’s view of late<br />

capitalism, “culture expands throughout <strong>the</strong> entire area of society to a po<strong>in</strong>t where our<br />

entire societal life – from economic value to state power all <strong>the</strong> way to <strong>the</strong> structure of<br />

psyche itself – has become ‘cultural’ <strong>in</strong> a sense that has not been adequately reflected<br />

upon” (Buden, 2005). Even <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>rapeutic regimes of “transitional justice” <strong>in</strong> post-<br />

Yugoslavia are gett<strong>in</strong>g reduced to culturalized performativity turned <strong>in</strong>to “empty<br />

politics”, with no real challenge to <strong>the</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ant symbolic and ideological orders, and<br />

far away from a reimag<strong>in</strong>ation of solidarity and communality, <strong>in</strong>clusivity and equality<br />

as norms of transformative (universalist, cosmopolitan, democratic) politics. Beh<strong>in</strong>d<br />

this culturalization or bureaucratization of social and political issues is <strong>the</strong> govern<strong>in</strong>g<br />

paradigm of “<strong>the</strong> management of affect” through various post-political languages of law,<br />

science or techno-managerial adm<strong>in</strong>istration, where we face culturalist dissolution of<br />

genu<strong>in</strong>e political relation and action.<br />

Attention must be turned to those visions, spaces and agencies that are on <strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>s,<br />

cutt<strong>in</strong>g across <strong>the</strong> state, below and above, horizontally, <strong>in</strong> academia and scholarship, civil<br />

society, media and arts/culture that take <strong>the</strong> risk of resist<strong>in</strong>g and demystify<strong>in</strong>g dom<strong>in</strong>ant<br />

matrices and regimes of governance, representations of identity and belong<strong>in</strong>g, assertions<br />

of political power and authority, and that f<strong>in</strong>d creative and <strong>in</strong>spir<strong>in</strong>g trajectories when<br />

it comes to political engagement. Visual and performative strategies of art and politics<br />

are of key importance here where we can engage with those practices whose <strong>in</strong>novative<br />

concepts can help us th<strong>in</strong>k and <strong>in</strong>tervene <strong>in</strong> our global troubles. Surely, scholarship as<br />

transformative politics today, as always, has to be entw<strong>in</strong>ed with those emancipatory<br />

gestures concern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> renegotiation of communality and solidarity, political forms of<br />

human life, and promis<strong>in</strong>g political engagements towards justice and equality.<br />

This renewed work on knowledge production <strong>in</strong> academic, activist and artistic circles<br />

that function as “school cooperatives of radical truth” (which many of us engage <strong>in</strong><br />

and use to open space for action) must <strong>in</strong>sist on <strong>the</strong> fusion between knowledge and<br />

action, critical th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g and material struggles. It has to trace out emergent politics and<br />

critical <strong>in</strong>terventions that resist sovereign politics camp<strong>in</strong>g bare lives and manag<strong>in</strong>g<br />

bodies of subjects/citizens through new technologies and rationalities globally. The<br />

65

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