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Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies

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<strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Identity</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> (<strong>Post</strong>-)<strong>Transitional</strong> <strong>Societies</strong><br />

So, what is this dissensus and how can we talk about it <strong>in</strong> terms of critical knowledge<br />

production and social practice concern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> politics of memoralization Precisely<br />

<strong>the</strong>se questions are productively tackled <strong>in</strong> Milena Dragićević-Šešić’s analysis of<br />

cultural policies, cultural identities and monument build<strong>in</strong>g – new memory policies of<br />

Balkan countries. Her text offers acute diagnoses of cultural policies <strong>in</strong> post-socialist<br />

countries and <strong>the</strong>ir European context oscillat<strong>in</strong>g between ethnic and transcultural<br />

strategies. 3 There is an overview of <strong>the</strong> current and <strong>the</strong> planned and an encourag<strong>in</strong>gly<br />

ambitious research <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> memory politics and monument build<strong>in</strong>g strategies <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> former Yugoslav region, based on an elaborate model embedded <strong>in</strong> taxonomies<br />

of practices of memory/identity/culture constitution, consist<strong>in</strong>g of models of anticulture,<br />

models of culturalization and models of dissensus. 4 It identifies <strong>the</strong> potential<br />

of particular importance for fur<strong>the</strong>r study and action, and <strong>in</strong>vites us to enrich this<br />

research transversally, build<strong>in</strong>g upon some disparate strands of knowledge production<br />

and activism <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> region concern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> politics/aes<strong>the</strong>tics of dissensus <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> politics<br />

of memory and monuments <strong>in</strong>/of our lives.<br />

Dragićević-Šešić’s <strong>in</strong>tervention maps out several productive ways of scholarly<br />

engagement for those who would like to underp<strong>in</strong> such analyses with examples<br />

from Bosnia and Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a, where <strong>the</strong> materiality of memory <strong>in</strong>scription is about<br />

encircl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> abject – “mapp<strong>in</strong>g a genocide” and “tell<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> story of a mass grave”, 5<br />

over our “ethnocitizen body”, leav<strong>in</strong>g you breathless with its Hieronymus Bosch<br />

aes<strong>the</strong>tics, and urg<strong>in</strong>g us towards emancipatory gestures of repoliticization and dissent.<br />

The task ahead is to challenge <strong>the</strong> culturalization of trauma with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>rapeutic<br />

paradigm of governance as an ideological mechanism for <strong>the</strong> perpetuation of sovereign<br />

and identitarian terror (<strong>in</strong>ter)nationally (Husanović, 2011a).<br />

3<br />

Such as this <strong>in</strong>sight: “In this respect it can be said that Eastern cultural policies are Ianus<br />

faced policies – turned to <strong>the</strong> national identity and European cultural values at <strong>the</strong> same time<br />

– homophobic and antidiscrim<strong>in</strong>atory at <strong>the</strong> same time. To differ from <strong>the</strong> cultural policy<br />

of socialism, which had, besides it ideological, also explicit ethical and es<strong>the</strong>tical platforms,<br />

<strong>the</strong> cultural policy of contemporary liberal societies tries to distance itself from any k<strong>in</strong>d<br />

of explicit aes<strong>the</strong>tic platform – want<strong>in</strong>g to prove that freedom of creative expression is <strong>the</strong><br />

fundamental pr<strong>in</strong>ciple and value, while support to diversities should be, at <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong><br />

start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t and <strong>the</strong> policy outcome” (Dragićević-Šešić, 2011: 3).<br />

4<br />

“The methodology of <strong>the</strong> research will be based on categories identified by Kodrnja et<br />

al. (2010) and Slapšak (2009: 17), re-adapted and fur<strong>the</strong>r developed for <strong>the</strong> needs of this<br />

research. Thus we identified three different models:<br />

-<br />

<strong>the</strong> model of anticulture ...;<br />

-<br />

<strong>the</strong> model of “culturalization ...;<br />

-<br />

<strong>the</strong> model of dissent – creative dialogue ...” (Dragićević-Šešić, 2011: 6)<br />

5<br />

As I have explored elsewhere – see Husanović, 2010b and 2011b.<br />

64

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