Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies
Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies
Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies
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<strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Identity</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> (<strong>Post</strong>-)<strong>Transitional</strong> <strong>Societies</strong><br />
follow<strong>in</strong>g an encounter between ancient Macedonians and Slavic people who settled on this<br />
territory. That empowered <strong>the</strong>m to use <strong>the</strong> ancient Macedonian heritage, <strong>in</strong>corporat<strong>in</strong>g it <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> collective consciousness.<br />
It started with a flag, whose ma<strong>in</strong> symbol was taken from <strong>the</strong> Verg<strong>in</strong>a archaeological<br />
site <strong>in</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn Greece, and is cont<strong>in</strong>ued today through numerous monuments to<br />
Philip and Alexander <strong>the</strong> Great throughout Macedonia (to Philip II <strong>in</strong> Bitola <strong>in</strong> 2008,<br />
and also <strong>in</strong> Prilep, and to Alexander <strong>the</strong> Great <strong>in</strong> Skopje). Mak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>se monuments<br />
of Alexander and Philip Macedonian is part of a policy of memory, but also a policy<br />
of provocation of <strong>the</strong> neighbour<strong>in</strong>g country (Greece). It has chosen a far away past to<br />
challenge Greece <strong>in</strong> a diplomatic battle (Alagjozovski, 2010) creat<strong>in</strong>g cultural wars both<br />
<strong>in</strong>side and outside <strong>the</strong> country.<br />
Before that, two th<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> Skopje’s monument policy had been important. These were<br />
<strong>the</strong> creation of <strong>the</strong> huge cross on <strong>the</strong> top of <strong>the</strong> hill ris<strong>in</strong>g above Skopje (to celebrate<br />
2,000 years of Christianity), and <strong>the</strong> monument to Skenderbeg on horseback <strong>in</strong> Stara<br />
Čaršija (2006, Toma Damo), <strong>the</strong> Albanian part of <strong>the</strong> city, with his back turned to <strong>the</strong><br />
Albanians, but fac<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Macedonian part of <strong>the</strong> city and <strong>the</strong> Christian cross. In a<br />
certa<strong>in</strong> sense both monuments are “fac<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r” – apply<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> provocation of “<strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r” strategy.<br />
The creation of monuments by <strong>the</strong> Macedonian community that were <strong>in</strong>tended to irritate<br />
Greece and <strong>the</strong> Albanian community, and similar actions from <strong>the</strong> Albanian side, is an<br />
example of a monument policy as a model of anti-culture. The M<strong>in</strong>istry of Culture answered<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y have no statement to make, as did <strong>the</strong> Agency for <strong>the</strong> Protection of <strong>Cultural</strong><br />
Monuments: “Regard<strong>in</strong>g Skenderbeg, I will not give any statement”, said Pasko Kuzman, 9<br />
director, while city mayor Trifun Kostovski said that for him this object is just illegitimate<br />
construction (Australian Macedonian Weekly, 2006).<br />
This policy demands an exploration of a diachronical side to national identity, which<br />
all <strong>the</strong> countries of Sou<strong>the</strong>astern Europe are develop<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> different ways. In monument<br />
policy, Macedonians turned to ancient Macedonia, Serbs and Croats looked to medieval<br />
history (though <strong>the</strong>y also emphasized <strong>the</strong> first half of <strong>the</strong> 19th century as <strong>the</strong> birth of a<br />
modern state), Croats explored taboos and “heroes” of <strong>the</strong> Second World War, while<br />
Montenegr<strong>in</strong>s have seen <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th century rule of K<strong>in</strong>g Nikola <strong>the</strong> real roots of <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
<strong>in</strong>dependence, autonomy and national specificity. Thus, cultural policies found new<br />
“heroes” and new memory sites, contribut<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong> renationalization of cultural policies<br />
through monumentalization of often <strong>in</strong>vented memories. The territories and cultures<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> post-conflict situation are cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g to fight with monuments and religious<br />
symbols which now cover <strong>the</strong> hills above multicultural cities.<br />
9<br />
Paško Kuzman <strong>the</strong> ideologist of antiquitization <strong>in</strong> Macedonia claims that if Macedonians fail<br />
to prove <strong>the</strong>ir direct l<strong>in</strong>ks with ancient Macedonians, <strong>the</strong>y will lose <strong>the</strong> diplomatic battle with<br />
Greece, and lose <strong>the</strong>ir right to Macedonian identity.<br />
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