Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies
Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies
Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies
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<strong>Cultural</strong> policies, identities and monument build<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>astern Europe<br />
city. Up to that moment cities were usually without symbols of Serbian national identity.<br />
Monuments to partisans, even if <strong>the</strong>y were Serbs, were considered as Yugoslavian<br />
monuments, as well as <strong>the</strong> old Tesla monuments which celebrated sciences and not his<br />
“ethnic Serbian genius”. 8<br />
The changes <strong>in</strong> monument policies can be seen clearly from <strong>the</strong> biography of Miodrag<br />
Živković. From <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of his career he participated <strong>in</strong> public competitions for<br />
<strong>the</strong> memorials and monuments devoted to <strong>the</strong> Second World War. S<strong>in</strong>ce 1990 he has<br />
realized projects devoted solely to Serbian medieval or heroic 19th-century history, and<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> late 1990s and at <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> millennium <strong>the</strong> majority of his projects were<br />
created for cities <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republika Srpska (Brčko 1996; Bjelj<strong>in</strong>a 1997; Derventa 2001;<br />
Mrkonjić Grad 2003). This represents a clear change <strong>in</strong> memory policies celebrat<strong>in</strong>g<br />
historical narratives that are important for only one ethnic group.<br />
The only monument created by <strong>the</strong> Milošević government, <strong>the</strong> Eternal Flame<br />
monument, erected to remember <strong>the</strong> NATO bomb<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> 1999, is a sign of <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>capacity of Milošević’s policy to create a monument which might mobilize emotions<br />
and become a symbol of his “<strong>in</strong>dependence” policy. Instead, it became an “empty hole”<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Belgrade urban landscape, an object of irony and vandalism, marg<strong>in</strong>alized and<br />
away from public attention.<br />
Provocation of “<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r” strategy<br />
The most important changes regard<strong>in</strong>g monument policy after 2000 happened<br />
<strong>in</strong> Macedonia. As <strong>the</strong> last European nation liberated from Turkish rule (1912), <strong>the</strong>n<br />
occupied by <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian army dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Second World War, and treated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
K<strong>in</strong>gdom of Yugoslavia as a south-Serbian prov<strong>in</strong>ce, Macedonia has not had time to<br />
create a national identity alongside o<strong>the</strong>r Balkan nations. In <strong>the</strong> 19 th century, Balkan<br />
Slavic countries had usually taken four pillars for <strong>the</strong> creation of <strong>the</strong>ir national identities:<br />
national (Slavic) languages, folklore, <strong>the</strong> cultural legacy of ancient Greece and <strong>the</strong> legacy<br />
of Renaissance humanism (even if <strong>the</strong>se “belonged” to <strong>the</strong> Eastern world of Byzantium<br />
culture). This tradition of acceptance of ancient Greek culture as a model has been<br />
<strong>in</strong>troduced <strong>in</strong>to European national cultures dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> enlightenment and romanticism<br />
periods (Assmann, 1993).<br />
Macedonia has had its chance only s<strong>in</strong>ce 1945 to develop its dist<strong>in</strong>ctive south-Slavic<br />
identity. Its roots are <strong>in</strong> its Slavic orig<strong>in</strong>s and folkloric traditions. In dispute with its<br />
neighbours (Serbians do not accept <strong>the</strong> autonomy of <strong>the</strong> Macedonian Church, Bulgarians<br />
dispute <strong>the</strong> specificity of <strong>the</strong> language and Greeks even <strong>the</strong> name), <strong>the</strong> Macedonian state,<br />
at this very moment of nation-build<strong>in</strong>g, decided to claim succession rights from <strong>the</strong> ancient<br />
Macedonian state – claim<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> contemporary Macedonian nation had been developed<br />
8<br />
In Croatia appropriation of Tesla as a part of <strong>the</strong> national canon is even more complex (see<br />
Buden, 2006)<br />
39