27.01.2015 Views

2. Women's Perspectives - Christian Aboriginal Infrastructure ...

2. Women's Perspectives - Christian Aboriginal Infrastructure ...

2. Women's Perspectives - Christian Aboriginal Infrastructure ...

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

I think it's a trick when they reinstate the people…they were promising too much of<br />

everything, the housing and the land. But we don't have land. I don't have land. I got a<br />

house, [but] it belongs to my husband….But whenever I go on the reserve I won't have<br />

land. I have to go and chop a tree and look around and sit on that stump, see if there is<br />

any room where I can live, put my house.<br />

Samaria Reynolds<br />

Indigenous <strong>Women's</strong> Collective<br />

Winnipeg, Manitoba, 29 April 1992<br />

The right to live on a reserve is an emotional as well as a political issue. For many Bill C-<br />

31 registrants, the reserve is an important source of personal identity: it is part of their<br />

traditional homeland, their community. The department of Indian affairs survey supports<br />

this observation. It found that, of the 2,000 Bill C-31 registrants whose views were<br />

canvassed, almost two-thirds reported that they applied for Indian status for reasons of<br />

identity or because of the culture and sense of belonging that it implied. 78<br />

Most people whose Indian status was restored through Bill C-31 (as opposed to those<br />

who gained Indian status for the first time) were compelled in one way or another to<br />

leave their home communities; hence the attempt in Bill C-31 to repair, at least partially,<br />

the injustice done to them and their descendants. However, current reserve residents also<br />

leave their home communities for a number of reasons — to pursue post-secondary<br />

educational opportunities, for health care, to acquire marketable skills they cannot<br />

acquire on the reserve. As we point out in our chapter on <strong>Aboriginal</strong> people in urban<br />

areas (Chapter 7, later in this volume), <strong>Aboriginal</strong> women also leave their communities to<br />

escape physical and sexual abuse. Others leave because they feel that their needs are not<br />

being taken seriously and that they have no control over issues that directly affect them.<br />

But many leave with the intention of coming back and with the expectation of having a<br />

place to live when they return.<br />

Reserve residency is not an absolute right for people with Indian status or even for those<br />

who belong to a particular band, whether the membership list is maintained by the<br />

department or by the band. In fact, subject to a number of ambiguously worded<br />

limitations and guidelines, the authority to decide on-reserve residency matters rests with<br />

the band council under subsection 81(1) of the Indian Act — a power provided in the<br />

1985 amendments.<br />

Unfortunately, the Indian Act, in most respects, is not very helpful in determining what<br />

rights, if any, an adult member of a band has to live on a reserve. For example, one might<br />

have assumed that, to protect the acquired membership rights of Bill C-31 registrants,<br />

residency rights would be part of the acquired rights that bands would be obliged to take<br />

into account in their by-laws. They are not, however. As a result, many Bill C-31<br />

registrants who might otherwise wish to return to their reserve communities continue to<br />

live off-reserve.<br />

In addition, many women object to being affiliated automatically with the bands that<br />

Indian affairs records show they were connected to in the past through their fathers or<br />

46

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!