2. Women's Perspectives - Christian Aboriginal Infrastructure ...

2. Women's Perspectives - Christian Aboriginal Infrastructure ... 2. Women's Perspectives - Christian Aboriginal Infrastructure ...

27.01.2015 Views

He also found that whatever power bands may have had to determine their membership was extinguished before the advent of section 35: "no aboriginal right either to discriminate against aboriginal women, or to control membership at large, ever survived to enjoy the protection of subsection 35(1)". 73 As mentioned, 240 bands representing nearly 40 per cent of the status Indian population had adopted band membership codes by December 1995. Band membership codes are based on one of four principles of descent. According to Clatworthy and Smith, among the 236 bands that had adopted codes by 1992, the breakdown was as follows: 74 • The one-parent rule — used by 90 bands across the country — holds that an individual is eligible for membership if one parent is a band member. • Under the two-parent rule, used by 67 bands, both parents must be band members. • Another 49 bands follow the rules set out in subsections 6(1) and 6(2) of the Indian Act. This, of course, is the same rule used by bands without a membership code, except that in the latter case the department of Indian affairs enforces it, not the band. • The fourth and final type of membership rule is based on blood quantum and is the method chosen by 30 bands. A blood quantum rule sets a criterion for membership based on the number of Indian ancestors in an individual's family history. Blood quantum codes measure a person's quantum by adding the quantum of each parent and dividing by two. An individual with one parent of 100 per cent Indian blood and one parent with no Aboriginal blood is considered to be 50 per cent Indian. Similarly, if both parents are considered 50 per cent Indian, the child is considered 50 per cent Indian. A typical blood quantum criterion for band membership is 50 per cent, although there are codes where the quantum is set either above or below this level. While ostensibly supportive of self-government, membership codes have the potential to undermine it in the future. An issue arises that is of concern not only to women. For example, the one-parent membership rule is more inclusive than the Indian Act rules — thereby enlarging the potential band membership under codes based on this rule — but the same cannot be said for blood quantum and two-parent rules. The two-parent rule in particular has the potential to reduce band size drastically, first through restricting the initial band population and then by penalizing the children of those who marry out. It is clear that at current rates of marrying out, some band populations will decline quickly in the coming years. 75 Self-government seems to imply a larger rather than a smaller population if critical mass and economies of scale are to be maintained. Although a smaller group is more likely to include people who are also status Indians under federal rules and thereby entitled to all the benefits available to Indian persons, such a group appears less likely to be able to develop the infrastructure of a modern government without bringing in additional members. This may be a recipe for continuing dependency. 44

Another problem is that the appeal mechanisms recommended by the new Indian Act rules do not need to be established by the bands that have adopted membership codes. 76 Thus, persons refused membership must go to court to challenge membership decisions. While the acquired rights provisions are supposed to ensure that no one is denied membership unfairly, some Aboriginal women told the Commission that such practices do exist. They would like to see band membership codes reviewed and, if necessary, revised to ensure fairness and the protection of acquired rights. There was also a general call for some sort of appeal mechanism, such as a separate and impartial appeal tribunal. Appeal mechanisms are discussed in our chapter on governance (Volume 2, Chapter 3). Ultimately, any policy that creates distinctions within a group can create divisions in that group. The amended act establishes a series of distinctions around which disputes can develop: subsection 6(1) versus subsection 6(2), members versus non-members, and Indian versus non-Indian. Even more damaging, these categories have the potential to become the basis for social divisions within First Nations communities. Divisions within a group can be accentuated, and tensions heightened, when resources are scarce. For example, initially the non-Indian spouses of status Indian band members will have a lesser status in the band community. After one generation, however, they will be joined by the non-Indian children of 6(2) status Indians who have married non-Indians. After two generations, these non-Indian children will reach adulthood and may marry each other or other 6(2) status Indians. In either case, their children will not be Indians under the Indian Act. Thus, within a couple of generations, Indian band communities will have sizeable populations of non-Indians who, under current federal funding formulae — based on the number of status Indians in a given band — will begin to put strains on federally funded services. Moreover, these people will also be ineligible for federal programs available to status Indians, such as uninsured health benefits and postsecondary education. An underclass will thus have been created in First Nations communities. 77 In the same way, one- and two-parent band membership codes may also lead to divisions within communities. For example, under a two-parent code, in 50 years band members may well be outnumbered by non-members in a community. Since only band members will have voting rights, however, they will be in a position to control political life and the allocation of benefits such as housing. At the other end of the spectrum may be bands with one-parent membership codes in which the band membership is large but increasingly composed of non-Indians as a result of the way the 6(1) and 6(2) distinctions work in the case of out-marriage. Funding based on the number of status Indians will not be able to keep pace with community needs. Although all band members, whether status Indian or not, will be able to vote and to decide on the allocation of vital resources, band members who are status Indians and who 'count' for purposes of funding may grow to resent those who are not but who nonetheless take part in the benefits of band membership. These are hypothetical projections based on existing rules. This is not the future we have in mind. The right to live on-reserve 45

He also found that whatever power bands may have had to determine their membership<br />

was extinguished before the advent of section 35: "no aboriginal right either to<br />

discriminate against aboriginal women, or to control membership at large, ever survived<br />

to enjoy the protection of subsection 35(1)". 73<br />

As mentioned, 240 bands representing nearly 40 per cent of the status Indian population<br />

had adopted band membership codes by December 1995. Band membership codes are<br />

based on one of four principles of descent. According to Clatworthy and Smith, among<br />

the 236 bands that had adopted codes by 1992, the breakdown was as follows: 74<br />

• The one-parent rule — used by 90 bands across the country — holds that an individual<br />

is eligible for membership if one parent is a band member.<br />

• Under the two-parent rule, used by 67 bands, both parents must be band members.<br />

• Another 49 bands follow the rules set out in subsections 6(1) and 6(2) of the Indian Act.<br />

This, of course, is the same rule used by bands without a membership code, except that in<br />

the latter case the department of Indian affairs enforces it, not the band.<br />

• The fourth and final type of membership rule is based on blood quantum and is the<br />

method chosen by 30 bands. A blood quantum rule sets a criterion for membership based<br />

on the number of Indian ancestors in an individual's family history. Blood quantum codes<br />

measure a person's quantum by adding the quantum of each parent and dividing by two.<br />

An individual with one parent of 100 per cent Indian blood and one parent with no<br />

<strong>Aboriginal</strong> blood is considered to be 50 per cent Indian. Similarly, if both parents are<br />

considered 50 per cent Indian, the child is considered 50 per cent Indian. A typical blood<br />

quantum criterion for band membership is 50 per cent, although there are codes where the<br />

quantum is set either above or below this level.<br />

While ostensibly supportive of self-government, membership codes have the potential to<br />

undermine it in the future. An issue arises that is of concern not only to women. For<br />

example, the one-parent membership rule is more inclusive than the Indian Act rules —<br />

thereby enlarging the potential band membership under codes based on this rule — but<br />

the same cannot be said for blood quantum and two-parent rules. The two-parent rule in<br />

particular has the potential to reduce band size drastically, first through restricting the<br />

initial band population and then by penalizing the children of those who marry out.<br />

It is clear that at current rates of marrying out, some band populations will decline<br />

quickly in the coming years. 75 Self-government seems to imply a larger rather than a<br />

smaller population if critical mass and economies of scale are to be maintained. Although<br />

a smaller group is more likely to include people who are also status Indians under federal<br />

rules and thereby entitled to all the benefits available to Indian persons, such a group<br />

appears less likely to be able to develop the infrastructure of a modern government<br />

without bringing in additional members. This may be a recipe for continuing dependency.<br />

44

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