Download PDF - Field Exchange - Emergency Nutrition Network
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<strong>Field</strong> Article<br />
Janice Setser, Tajikistan, 2003<br />
Land Reform in Tajikistan<br />
By Obie C. Porteous<br />
kolkhoz/sovkhoz was a principal unit of social<br />
organization in rural Tajikistan. Each family in<br />
the area was given a house with an adjacent<br />
household plot for growing food for household<br />
consumption. In return, the family was expected<br />
to work on the large farm.<br />
Taking a break from cotton picking.<br />
Figure 1: Map of Khatlon Oblast with<br />
Five Selected Districts.<br />
AAH Tajikistan 10/2003<br />
Obie Porteous holds a B.A. in International<br />
Studies and a B.A. in Biology from the<br />
University of Chicago, USA. He has work<br />
experience with the World Bank in<br />
Washington DC and is currently working as<br />
a freelance journalist writing articles on<br />
agriculture and development economics in<br />
West Africa.<br />
This work in Tajikistan was made possible<br />
by a grant from the University of Chicago<br />
Human Rights Program.<br />
Issue 14 of <strong>Field</strong> <strong>Exchange</strong> carried an article by<br />
Frances Mason on Action Against Hunger's assessments<br />
of the causes of nutritional vulnerability<br />
amongst the population in Tajikistan, following cessation<br />
of the civil war and signing of the peace accord in<br />
1997. One of several factors identified in this analysis<br />
was failure of the land reform programme. The article<br />
below describes a further study by Action Against<br />
Hunger on the land reform process which unpicks, in<br />
more detail, the array of political, institutional and<br />
cultural factors impeding progress. (Ed).<br />
The implementation of effective land<br />
reform has been one of the biggest challenges<br />
faced by the Republic of Tajikistan<br />
since its independence from the Soviet<br />
Union in 1991. During the Soviet period, the<br />
country's sparse agricultural land was organized<br />
into state farms (sovkhozes) and collective farms<br />
(kolkhozes). Both types of farm were large (typically<br />
more than 1,000 hectares) and were kept<br />
under the close supervision of the state, which<br />
set production plans and received monthly<br />
reports on their operations. Beyond its role as<br />
economic entity and place of employment, the<br />
Starting in 1996, as the country emerged from<br />
its prolonged civil war, the government slowly<br />
began to try to break up these large state and collective<br />
farms into smaller, more efficient private<br />
farms. A series of laws were passed that aimed to<br />
reorganize the kolkhozes/sovkhozes (which by<br />
this time had entered a state of profound financial<br />
crisis) into “dehkan” (private) farms. To<br />
date, kolkhozes/sovkhozes that are designated<br />
for seed production, livestock breeding, and<br />
research are to be kept under the control of the<br />
state, but all others are scheduled to be converted<br />
into dehkan farms by 2005.<br />
Action Against Hunger (AAH) has been<br />
implementing nutrition, health, water/sanitation,<br />
and food security programs in Khatlon<br />
oblast since 1999. Khatlon is the largest of the<br />
four regions of Tajikistan in terms of population,<br />
with approximately 2,280,700 people as of<br />
January 2003. During the civil war, the region<br />
experienced some of the fiercest fighting, and<br />
much of its infrastructure was destroyed. AAH's<br />
annual nutrition surveys persistently find high<br />
rates of both acute and chronic malnutrition in<br />
Khatlon.<br />
An AAH study sought to assess the impact of<br />
the land reforms at the local level in Khatlon. Five<br />
representative districts in the oblast were selected:<br />
Bokhtar, Kabodian, Kolkhozabad, Pyanj, and<br />
Shaartuz (see Figure 1). These five districts are<br />
home to 616,100 people, approximately 30% of<br />
the population of Khatlon and 10% of the population<br />
of Tajikistan. The goal was to select districts<br />
that were at different stages of the land reform<br />
process and that had implemented the land<br />
reforms in a variety of ways.<br />
AAH investigation<br />
In the first phase of the study, the researcher<br />
met with the district representative of the State<br />
Land Committee and the chief of the district<br />
hukumat (or the deputy chief responsible for<br />
agriculture) to gather information on the<br />
progress of the land reforms at the district level.<br />
In the second phase of the study, the<br />
researcher visited each of the 31 jamoats 1 in these<br />
five districts. Meetings were first held with one of<br />
the three ranking officials of the jamoat - the<br />
chief, the deputy chief, and the administrator.<br />
Following this meeting, if time permitted, interviews<br />
were conducted with the chairmen,<br />
accountants, and economists of the jamoat's<br />
farms.<br />
In the third phase of the study, 10 villages<br />
were randomly selected in each of the five districts.<br />
A team of AAH monitors used a household<br />
questionnaire to interview 20 households in each<br />
village. The questionnaire was designed to assess<br />
the access to land of households, in addition to<br />
their knowledge of the land reforms, the freedom<br />
they have in managing their farms, the costs of<br />
taxes and documentation, the levels of credit use,<br />
etc. In addition, the monitors were given a list of<br />
1<br />
The jamoat is the smallest administrative unit of the post<br />
-Soviet system. Each district had five to seven jamoats.<br />
The 31 jamoats ranged in size from 6,940 people in three<br />
villages (Obshoron jamoat, Shaartuz district) to 42,000<br />
people in 27 villages (Zargar jamoat, Bokhtar district).<br />
3