Contending Issues in the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria - Journal of ...
Contending Issues in the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria - Journal of ... Contending Issues in the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria - Journal of ...
Chapter II: The Niger Delta Crisis: The Political Economy of Fossil Fuels in Nigeria Africa on the one hand, it was also accused of making blood money by the civil societies in the western world and some African states. For instance in December 1995, the African National Congress (ANC) organised a boycott of Shell service stations in South Africa, but with no success. It was countered by aggressive advertisement in Southern African newspapers between November 1995 and March 1996. This was coupled with a campaign to raise awareness about Shell’s philanthropic development projects. The advertisement disproved the involvement of Shell in the killing of the environmentalists, and stressed that Shell Nigeria PLC was not to be regarded in the same way as Shell in South Africa. It emphasized that the killings were an internal affair of Nigeria, and had been carried out by the Abacha’s government without consultation with South Africa’s Shell Petroleum (Inegbedion, 1997: 207). The military and the civilian governments after the death of Ken Saro Wiwa were of the view that the crises in the oil producing region would be abated as a result of the total clamp down on the MOSOP. Instead, new wave of insurrection erupted because of the unsustainable policies of the national government and the oil MNCs’ parochial un-holistic approach to the environmental and unemployment problems in the area. Politics of ransom cost crept into the history of oil production in Nigeria. The oil MNCs and their OSCs realised that the rate of kidnapping was on the increase because of the restive ambition of the youths who believed that the only language 48
Dr. Lere Amusan understood by the major stakeholders in the Niger delta is to make a living out of holding people hostage. The oil companies therefore came with the inclusion of ransom cost in the cost of production in their joint ventures with the federal government through the NNPC. With the help of their parent states’ diplomatic missions and the traditional chiefs in the oil bearing region, negotiation would be organised without direct involvement of the Nigerian government where huge sum of fund would be paid to the militants in exchange for the release of expatriates. Eventually, it is the government that would pay for this cost. Conclusion Having looked into the causes of the present crises in the Niger delta region with special reference to the impacts of the federal government and the oil multinationals, one could recommend some options to alleviate the present wood into which the economy of the state has been plunged. The need to introduce true federalism as against unitary government in practice is long overdue. In the First Republic (1960-1966) Nigeria federal system was well stipulated by the Independence and Republican Constitutions where the sphere of influence of the Federal Government were well spelt out. The introduction of unitary government by the military government from 1966 coupled with the urge to retain some uniformity in the 49
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Dr. Lere Amusan<br />
understood by <strong>the</strong> major stakeholders <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Niger</strong> delta is to make a<br />
liv<strong>in</strong>g out <strong>of</strong> hold<strong>in</strong>g people hostage. The oil companies <strong>the</strong>refore came<br />
with <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>clusion <strong>of</strong> ransom cost <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> production <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
jo<strong>in</strong>t ventures with <strong>the</strong> federal government through <strong>the</strong> NNPC. With<br />
<strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir parent states’ diplomatic missions and <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />
chiefs <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> oil bear<strong>in</strong>g region, negotiation would be organised<br />
without direct <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Niger</strong>ian government where huge<br />
sum <strong>of</strong> fund would be paid to <strong>the</strong> militants <strong>in</strong> exchange for <strong>the</strong> release<br />
<strong>of</strong> expatriates. Eventually, it is <strong>the</strong> government that would pay for this<br />
cost.<br />
Conclusion<br />
Hav<strong>in</strong>g looked <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> causes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> present crises <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Niger</strong> delta<br />
region with special reference to <strong>the</strong> impacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> federal government<br />
and <strong>the</strong> oil mult<strong>in</strong>ationals, one could recommend some options to<br />
alleviate <strong>the</strong> present wood <strong>in</strong>to which <strong>the</strong> economy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state has<br />
been plunged. The need to <strong>in</strong>troduce true federalism as aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
unitary government <strong>in</strong> practice is long overdue. In <strong>the</strong> First Republic<br />
(1960-1966) <strong>Niger</strong>ia federal system was well stipulated by <strong>the</strong><br />
Independence and Republican Constitutions where <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Federal Government were well spelt out. The<br />
<strong>in</strong>troduction <strong>of</strong> unitary government by <strong>the</strong> military government from<br />
1966 coupled with <strong>the</strong> urge to reta<strong>in</strong> some uniformity <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
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