Contending Issues in the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria - Journal of ...

Contending Issues in the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria - Journal of ... Contending Issues in the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria - Journal of ...

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Chapter II: The Niger Delta Crisis: The Political Economy of Fossil Fuels in Nigeria and services amounted to misallocation of resources. The school facilities, if provided and equipped with western capitalist books, would only promote liberal economic system, which is a gap between the Nigerian environment and the oil majors. The establishment of farm settlement and the eventual production of cassava were meant for the SPDC workers while the communities around the farm were not allowed to benefit from the stems and tubers produced in the Isoko community. Also pertinent to note is the fish pond in some part of Delta State. Fish and fingerlings from farms were not meant to satisfy the locals, rather those who benefit were the families, high chiefs and the oil companies’ cronies outside the area of production. Workers that were employed were either from the family of the existing workers or representatives of the traditional chiefs who were the chief beneficiaries of the oil proceed in form of unexecuted contracts and outright bribes to perpetrate economic exploitation of the oil bearing region in the country. Frustration experienced from the hanky-panky practices of the state and oil MNCs led to the Isaac Boro uprising that eventually led to the declaration of a Niger Delta Republic in February 1966. Though this was short lived, it served as a precedent for the Ken Saro Wiwa and Isokos uprising against the national government and oil companies. Shell Oil Company provided logistics for the federal government soldiers to quell the perceived treason and felony punishable under the law of the country against Isaac Boro’s secessionist bid. What 32

Dr. Lere Amusan shell did in the 1960s in a bid to consolidate its grip on the economy of Nigeria was later repeated in 1995 when security bills would be picked by the company on behalf of the Federal government in the Niger Delta. During the MOSOP uprising against the oil companies, the Shell Petroleum international met in London and The Hague in February 1993 to decide what to do on the scale of crises in the Niger delta. The communiqué issued at the end of the meeting called for close monitoring of the activities of the MOSOP with special focus on Ken Saro Wiwa. The worry of the Shell, resulting from the Ogoni Bill of Rights presented to the federal military government with some element of secession arm-twisted the Abacha government to hand down capital punishment on the MOSOP leaders in November 1995 (Osaghae, 1995: 326). With the import of the Shell towards the economic development of Nigeria and a major source of foreign exchange earnings, the government went into alliance with oil MNCs in order to neutralise the MOSOP and its leaders. Series of means were adopted to ensure free flow of crude oil to the international market. Crises among ethnic groups such as the Ogonis, the Andonis, the Okrikas and the Ndokis were severally sponsored by the federal government in connivance with the oil companies. This takes several forms such as financial compensation to an ethnic group against others. Also, provision of employment opportunity in form of security to secure oil installations in neighbouring villages is sometimes used 33

Chapter II: The <strong>Niger</strong> <strong>Delta</strong> <strong>Crisis</strong>: The Political Economy <strong>of</strong> Fossil Fuels <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>Niger</strong>ia<br />

and services amounted to misallocation <strong>of</strong> resources. The school<br />

facilities, if provided and equipped with western capitalist books,<br />

would only promote liberal economic system, which is a gap between<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>Niger</strong>ian environment and <strong>the</strong> oil majors. The establishment <strong>of</strong><br />

farm settlement and <strong>the</strong> eventual production <strong>of</strong> cassava were meant<br />

for <strong>the</strong> SPDC workers while <strong>the</strong> communities around <strong>the</strong> farm were<br />

not allowed to benefit from <strong>the</strong> stems and tubers produced <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Isoko community. Also pert<strong>in</strong>ent to note is <strong>the</strong> fish pond <strong>in</strong> some part<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>Delta</strong> State. Fish and f<strong>in</strong>gerl<strong>in</strong>gs from farms were not meant to<br />

satisfy <strong>the</strong> locals, ra<strong>the</strong>r those who benefit were <strong>the</strong> families, high<br />

chiefs and <strong>the</strong> oil companies’ cronies outside <strong>the</strong> area <strong>of</strong> production.<br />

Workers that were employed were ei<strong>the</strong>r from <strong>the</strong> family <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

exist<strong>in</strong>g workers or representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> traditional chiefs who were<br />

<strong>the</strong> chief beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> oil proceed <strong>in</strong> form <strong>of</strong> unexecuted<br />

contracts and outright bribes to perpetrate economic exploitation <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> oil bear<strong>in</strong>g region <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> country.<br />

Frustration experienced from <strong>the</strong> hanky-panky practices <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state<br />

and oil MNCs led to <strong>the</strong> Isaac Boro upris<strong>in</strong>g that eventually led to <strong>the</strong><br />

declaration <strong>of</strong> a <strong>Niger</strong> <strong>Delta</strong> Republic <strong>in</strong> February 1966. Though this<br />

was short lived, it served as a precedent for <strong>the</strong> Ken Saro Wiwa and<br />

Isokos upris<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> national government and oil companies.<br />

Shell Oil Company provided logistics for <strong>the</strong> federal government<br />

soldiers to quell <strong>the</strong> perceived treason and felony punishable under<br />

<strong>the</strong> law <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country aga<strong>in</strong>st Isaac Boro’s secessionist bid. What<br />

32

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