Contending Issues in the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria - Journal of ...
Contending Issues in the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria - Journal of ... Contending Issues in the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria - Journal of ...
Olawale Olaopa, Ibikunle Ogundari, Mike Awoleye, and Willie Siyanbola History of oil Exploration in Nigeria The history of oil industry, scholar Jean-Marie Chevalier (as cited by Odiase, 2005) has observed, is the history of imperialism. In 1956, Shell British Petroleum (now Royal Dutch Shell) discovered crude oil at Oloibiri, a village in the Niger Delta, and commercial production began in 1958 (New Oil Stake, 1973). These developments changed Nigeria's relationship to the global capitalist order. Previously, Nigeria had been mainly a producer of cocoa, groundnuts, and other agricultural items. These goods, representing the country's major source of external revenue, were exported principally to the West. As the exploitation of oil resources continued in the post-colonial era, Nigeria became increasingly reliant on oil, and its reputation as an agricultural producer disappeared. To effect a total influence over the oil resources and revenue, the then Obasanjo military government promulgated the Land Use Decree, which vested the ownership of land and its resources on the Federal Government. The state and communities from which these resources were exploited and which suffers the consequences were effectively edged out. Oil revenue now accounts for 90% of Nigeria's export earnings (almost $300 billion in the past 40 years) (Olojede, 2004). But the country has been ruled for much of its post-colonial existence by one of the world's most flagrantly corrupt political elites. In fact, a recent UN study estimates that individual Nigerians, in a country with annual per capita income 207
Chapter IX: The Politics and Policies of Oil Deregulation in Nigeria: Implications and Policy Suggestions of about $300, have salted away more than $100 billion in foreign personal bank accounts (Ibid). Today, there are 606 oil fields in the Niger Delta, of which 360 are on-shore and 246 off-shore. These have been parceled out to the oil multinationals for extraction. Also, over 3,000 kilometers of pipeline lie across the landscape of the Delta, linking 275 flow stations to various export facilities. The Nigerian state operates a joint-venture agreement with the multinationals, which in turn pay the federal government royalties running into hundreds of millions annually (Ibid). In turn, reliance on a single source of revenue distorted the relationship between successive (mostly military) regimes in the country, and the citizenry. Oil exploration introduced an entirely new element into the structure of the Nigerian state - internal predatory elite that saw the new commodity as God-sent and so saw itself as unaccountable to the communities that produced it. This lack of accountability has continued in the post-colonial period. It has been argued that, the discovery of petroleum in commercial quantities, and its emergence as the primary fuel of the Western industrial economies, combined to ensure that the post-colonial Nigerian state did not cultivate its own citizenry nor did it put into place appropriate infrastructure that would have helped to create local wealth and provide a strong local tax base for its operations (Taiwo, n.d). As for the wealth derived from oil exploration, both the Nigerian state and 208
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Olawale Olaopa, Ibikunle Ogundari, Mike Awoleye, and Willie Siyanbola<br />
History <strong>of</strong> oil Exploration <strong>in</strong> <strong>Niger</strong>ia<br />
The history <strong>of</strong> oil <strong>in</strong>dustry, scholar Jean-Marie Chevalier (as cited<br />
by Odiase, 2005) has observed, is <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> imperialism. In 1956,<br />
Shell British Petroleum (now Royal Dutch Shell) discovered crude oil<br />
at Oloibiri, a village <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Niger</strong> <strong>Delta</strong>, and commercial production<br />
began <strong>in</strong> 1958 (New Oil Stake, 1973). These developments changed<br />
<strong>Niger</strong>ia's relationship to <strong>the</strong> global capitalist order. Previously, <strong>Niger</strong>ia<br />
had been ma<strong>in</strong>ly a producer <strong>of</strong> cocoa, groundnuts, and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
agricultural items. These goods, represent<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> country's major<br />
source <strong>of</strong> external revenue, were exported pr<strong>in</strong>cipally to <strong>the</strong> West.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> exploitation <strong>of</strong> oil resources cont<strong>in</strong>ued <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> post-colonial<br />
era, <strong>Niger</strong>ia became <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly reliant on oil, and its reputation as<br />
an agricultural producer disappeared. To effect a total <strong>in</strong>fluence over<br />
<strong>the</strong> oil resources and revenue, <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n Obasanjo military government<br />
promulgated <strong>the</strong> Land Use Decree, which vested <strong>the</strong> ownership <strong>of</strong><br />
land and its resources on <strong>the</strong> Federal Government. The state and<br />
communities from which <strong>the</strong>se resources were exploited and which<br />
suffers <strong>the</strong> consequences were effectively edged out. Oil revenue now<br />
accounts for 90% <strong>of</strong> <strong>Niger</strong>ia's export earn<strong>in</strong>gs (almost $300 billion <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> past 40 years) (Olojede, 2004). But <strong>the</strong> country has been ruled for<br />
much <strong>of</strong> its post-colonial existence by one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world's most<br />
flagrantly corrupt political elites. In fact, a recent UN study estimates<br />
that <strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>Niger</strong>ians, <strong>in</strong> a country with annual per capita <strong>in</strong>come<br />
207