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Arthur R. Butz – The Hoax Of The Twentieth Century

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<strong>Arthur</strong> R. <strong>Butz</strong>, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Hoax</strong> of the <strong>Twentieth</strong> <strong>Century</strong><br />

certain. <strong>The</strong> wartime policy of Washington was to claim extermination, and the<br />

post-war policy was to hold trials, at which there was generated the only evidence<br />

that we have today that these wartime claims had any foundation. That is also certain.<br />

<strong>The</strong> policies of both states are necessarily of interest, and if there is any respect,<br />

in which this book may be breaking fundamentally new ground on the<br />

problem, it is in its insistence in seeing Washington as an active agent in the generation<br />

of the story. Thus, we are interested not only in what Hitler, Himmler,<br />

Göring, Goebbels, and Heydrich were doing during the war in regard to these<br />

matters, but also what Roosevelt, Hull, Morgenthau, and the New York Times and<br />

associated media were doing during the war, and what the various tribunals controlled<br />

or dominated by Washington did after the war. This is not only a fair but,<br />

more importantly, an illuminating historical approach.<br />

<strong>The</strong> conclusion is that Washington constructed a frame-up on the Jewish extermination<br />

charge. Once this is recognized, the true nature of German Jewish<br />

policy will be seen.<br />

<strong>The</strong> War Crimes Trials<br />

Before we review the details of the story, it should be pointed out that there are<br />

excellent a priori grounds for expecting a frame-up. <strong>The</strong>re is of course the very<br />

general argument that political enmity of a magnitude to bring on armed conflict<br />

between two states necessarily excludes the impartiality on the part of one of<br />

them, which is a necessity for a fair trial and for which there exists no substitute.<br />

<strong>The</strong> judges had pursued political careers in the contexts of the internal politics of<br />

the Allied powers hostile to Germany and after the trials would, assuming they<br />

had not done anything highly improbable at the war crimes trials, return to these<br />

careers. <strong>The</strong>y had, in addition, for several years heard only the anti-German viewpoint.<br />

In sitting on the military tribunals, they were ad hoc political appointees.<br />

Such considerations exclude approximate impartiality.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re are, however, much more specific reasons for expecting a frame-up. In<br />

order to see this, it is only necessary to consider the easily obtainable facts concerning<br />

the various tribunals involved.<br />

First, there was the “big trial” conducted by the “International Military Tribunal”<br />

(IMT) at Nuremberg immediately after the war. This was the trial of the top<br />

Nazis Göring, Hess, Ribbentrop, et al., which ran from November 1945 to October<br />

1946. <strong>The</strong> judges and prosecutors were American, British, French, and Russian.<br />

As with all “military” tribunals, there was no jury. <strong>The</strong>re were three acquittals,<br />

seven prison sentences, and eleven death sentences. <strong>The</strong> latter were carried<br />

out almost immediately after the trial, except that Göring escaped the noose by<br />

swallowing a potassium cyanide capsule just before the hangings. It was never determined<br />

where Göring had obtained the poison or how he had managed to hide it<br />

for any length of time. A unique sequel to this episode was that the first Nuremberg<br />

prison psychiatrist, Dr. Douglas M. Kelley, a leader in the treatment of psy-<br />

34

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