Total Environment Assessment Model for Early Child Development

Total Environment Assessment Model for Early Child Development Total Environment Assessment Model for Early Child Development

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Spheres of Influence: The Family of nations in terms of the steepness of their gradients appears not to be random. That is, although they have been poorly studied to date, there seem to be systematic differences in institutional arrangements between those societies in which the ses gradients in health and development are steep, versus those in which they are shallow. Another way to state this is that since there is no necessary, or predictable, level of health or development associated with any given position on the socioeconomic spectrum (as described in the fourth point, above); as such, health and development at any given socioeconomic position is highly dependent on the extent to which different societies tie ses to one’s ability to procure health-promoting resources and, conversely, the extent to which ses serves as a sorting mechanism for ‘exposures’ that are harmful to health. It can be argued that societies which are nurturant for children (and adults) are those whose institutions work to break these ties. In other words, in some societies, factors fundamental to health and development are provided as rights of citizenship, rather than according to socioeconomic privilege. ses gradients suggest the fundamental influence of societal determinants of health There is also another line of reasoning that supports the thesis that societal factors are fundamental to the expression of socioeconomic inequalities (gradients) in health and development. That is, that if socioeconomic inequalities are critical for health, then so too are the societal conditions that create the inequalities themselves. The extent of socioeconomic stratification that exists in society is not innate. Rather, it is strongly influenced by actions and inactions taken by societies that, cumulated over time, become embedded in institutions. Most of the evidence in this regard arises from research on resource-rich nations. The notion is powerfully illustrated by contrasting poverty rates in these nations before and after taxes and transfers are accounted for. Data from the Luxembourg Income Study demonstrates that, based on market income (i.e. prior to taxes and transfers), at 31%, poverty rates 9 in the United States were up to 5-6% lower than in several oecd nations, including France and Sweden, and on par with others such as Australia, Canada, Spain, and Germany. However, after taxes and transfers, the United States had the highest poverty rate among the oecd nations at 18%, between 6% and11% higher than all other oecd nations with the exception of Australia which has a post tax and transfer poverty rate of 16% [100]. The difference in poverty rates is even more marked with respect to children. Prior to transfers, poverty rates across oecd nations for lone parents are consistently high, with a range of 32% in Italy, to a whopping 80% in the Netherlands. However, after redistributive measures were applied by governments, the rate for lone mothers was reduced to approximately 10% in many oecd nations, with a low of 4% in Germany. By contrast, the poverty rate for lone mothers in the United States remains at 60% [101]. In epidemiological speak, the function of societal policies can be thought of as necessarily causally prior to the effects of ses on health outcomes. The roles of institutional arrangements in reducing socioeconomic inequality, and undoing the link between socioeconomic conditions and health status are difficult to separate, since they may function in a reciprocal manner. That is, reductions in income inequality provide public support for increases in systems that distribute resources in an egalitarian manner, and the egalitarian distribution of resources in turn may reduce levels of socioeconomic inequality [102]. From the perspective of creating societies that support ecd, an imperative of future research is to understand which institutional features promote socioeconomic equalities in ecd and which detract from it. The following chapters discuss the main societal institutions that to play a major role in this process, and highlight the available evidence to date. 9 Poverty was measured using a relative standard of 40% of median income, and 50% of median income (Smeeding and Ross, 1999). 38

Total Environment Assessment Model for Early Child Development Childhood Resilience a Matter of Family, Community, and Societal Support: Promoting Patterns of Resilience in Children through Nurturant Environments Many families that face daily challenges because of their socioeconomic disadvantages are nevertheless able to create the essential nurturant environments for their children. Resilience refers to the capacity of a child to thrive, despite growing up facing adversity. Bartley’s review of research on this issue points to “the importance of social relationships, of ties to the community, and social interactive ‘relationship’ skills as key sources of protection” [210]. The family provides the most important social relationships for enhancing children’s resilience [211]. Children all over the world face situations such as witnessing and experiencing violence in their families and the broader community, bullying, disability, divorce, and witnessing or experiencing the effects of alcohol and substance abuse in their families, while others confront catastrophic events or day-to-day atrocities such as war, poverty, disease, famine, floods, hiv/aids, and forced labour. How a child emerges from these situations depends upon multiple factors at the individual, family, community, and broader societal levels [210, 211]. Studies of the experiences of children exposed to war and children of battered women demonstrate that the family can provide a buffer against extreme circumstances [212]. Berman’s and other studies point to the importance of enhancing the family’s capacity to support young children in times of stress and atrocity [213]. Families require proper safety nets, such as social protection policies, access to appropriate services, and sufficient income, to enhance their ability to bolster children’s resilience regardless of the daily challenges the family faces. Resilience can be enhanced through the relationships that families, caregivers, and children establish with others in their locality or relational communities (e.g., religionbased communities), as well as through ecd, health, nutrition, and other services that are provided by governmental and non-governmental organizations (ngos), and through larger policies that facilitate educational attainment, income transfers, health care, and access to safe housing. Institutional features of society that strengthen the “connectedness” of citizens in positive ways will enhance resilience in children and families (e.g., Positive Deviance [19]). Accordingly, governments, international agencies, and civil society groups should use the criterion of connecting children with adult mentors to judge program and policy proposals. key messages: the family 1. The family is a fundamental source of nurturing for a child. 2 . Socioeconomic gradients in developmental outcomes reflect difficulties families with few resources face in providing nurturant environments for their children. 3. The ‘gradient effect’ occurs for almost all outcomes in almost all places illustrates the critical nature of socioeconomic resources. 4 . Families require access to a range of supports and programs for their children, but also for themselves. 5 . Within families, gender-based bias may create inequities in the nurturant conditions afforded to girls compared with boys. Giving greater power in decision-making to mothers can alleviate some of this inequity. Spheres of Influence: The Family 39

Spheres of<br />

Influence:<br />

The Family<br />

of nations in terms of the steepness of their<br />

gradients appears not to be random. That is,<br />

although they have been poorly studied to<br />

date, there seem to be systematic differences<br />

in institutional arrangements between those<br />

societies in which the ses gradients in health<br />

and development are steep, versus those in<br />

which they are shallow.<br />

Another way to state this is that since<br />

there is no necessary, or predictable, level of<br />

health or development associated with any<br />

given position on the socioeconomic spectrum<br />

(as described in the fourth point, above);<br />

as such, health and development at any given<br />

socioeconomic position is highly dependent<br />

on the extent to which different societies tie<br />

ses to one’s ability to procure health-promoting<br />

resources and, conversely, the extent to<br />

which ses serves as a sorting mechanism <strong>for</strong><br />

‘exposures’ that are harmful to health. It can<br />

be argued that societies which are nurturant<br />

<strong>for</strong> children (and adults) are those whose<br />

institutions work to break these ties. In other<br />

words, in some societies, factors fundamental<br />

to health and development are provided as<br />

rights of citizenship, rather than according to<br />

socioeconomic privilege.<br />

ses gradients suggest the<br />

fundamental influence of societal<br />

determinants of health<br />

There is also another line of reasoning that<br />

supports the thesis that societal factors are<br />

fundamental to the expression of socioeconomic<br />

inequalities (gradients) in health and<br />

development. That is, that if socioeconomic<br />

inequalities are critical <strong>for</strong> health, then so<br />

too are the societal conditions that create<br />

the inequalities themselves. The extent of<br />

socioeconomic stratification that exists in<br />

society is not innate. Rather, it is strongly<br />

influenced by actions and inactions taken<br />

by societies that, cumulated over time,<br />

become embedded in institutions. Most of the<br />

evidence in this regard arises from research<br />

on resource-rich nations. The notion is<br />

powerfully illustrated by contrasting poverty<br />

rates in these nations be<strong>for</strong>e and after taxes<br />

and transfers are accounted <strong>for</strong>. Data from<br />

the Luxembourg Income Study demonstrates<br />

that, based on market income (i.e. prior to<br />

taxes and transfers), at 31%, poverty rates 9 in<br />

the United States were up to 5-6% lower than<br />

in several oecd nations, including France<br />

and Sweden, and on par with others such<br />

as Australia, Canada, Spain, and Germany.<br />

However, after taxes and transfers, the United<br />

States had the highest poverty rate among the<br />

oecd nations at 18%, between 6% and11%<br />

higher than all other oecd nations with the<br />

exception of Australia which has a post tax<br />

and transfer poverty rate of 16% [100].<br />

The difference in poverty rates is even<br />

more marked with respect to children. Prior to<br />

transfers, poverty rates across oecd nations<br />

<strong>for</strong> lone parents are consistently high, with a<br />

range of 32% in Italy, to a whopping 80% in<br />

the Netherlands. However, after redistributive<br />

measures were applied by governments,<br />

the rate <strong>for</strong> lone mothers was reduced to<br />

approximately 10% in many oecd nations,<br />

with a low of 4% in Germany. By contrast, the<br />

poverty rate <strong>for</strong> lone mothers in the United<br />

States remains at 60% [101]. In epidemiological<br />

speak, the function of societal policies can<br />

be thought of as necessarily causally prior to<br />

the effects of ses on health outcomes.<br />

The roles of institutional arrangements<br />

in reducing socioeconomic inequality, and<br />

undoing the link between socioeconomic<br />

conditions and health status are difficult<br />

to separate, since they may function in a<br />

reciprocal manner. That is, reductions in<br />

income inequality provide public support <strong>for</strong><br />

increases in systems that distribute resources<br />

in an egalitarian manner, and the egalitarian<br />

distribution of resources in turn may reduce<br />

levels of socioeconomic inequality [102].<br />

From the perspective of creating societies that<br />

support ecd, an imperative of future research<br />

is to understand which institutional features<br />

promote socioeconomic equalities in ecd and<br />

which detract from it. The following chapters<br />

discuss the main societal institutions that to<br />

play a major role in this process, and highlight<br />

the available evidence to date.<br />

9 Poverty was measured using a relative standard of 40% of<br />

median income, and 50% of median income (Smeeding and<br />

Ross, 1999).<br />

38

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